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The aftermath of the battle of Gettysburg: 8th July

The aftermath of the battle of Gettysburg: 8th July


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Map taken from Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: III: Retreat from Gettysburg, p.381

Gettysburg: The Last Invasion, Allen C. Guelzo .An excellent account of the Gettysburg campaign, illustrated by a splendid selection of eyewitness accounts. Focuses on the actions of individual commanders, from Meade and Lee down to regimental commanders, with a focus on the corps commanders and their activities and attitudes. Supported by plenty of accounts from further down the command chain and from civilians caught up in the fighting. [read full review]

Stars in Their Courses: Gettysburg Campaign, Shelby Foote, 304 pages. Well researched and written by one of the best known historians of the Civil War, this work is taken from his longer three volume work on the war, but does not suffer from that.


Battle of Stones River

In late December 1862, Union and Confederate forces clashed at the Battle of Stones River, near Murfreesboro, Tennessee, during the American Civil War (1861-65). On December 31, Confederate General Braxton Bragg’s 35,000 troops successfully attacked the 42,000-strong Union force commanded by Major General William Rosecrans. Union troops withstood the assault, but retreated to a defensive position, which they would hold against repeated attacks over the next two days. On January 2, 1863, another Confederate assault was repelled by overwhelming Union artillery fire, forcing Bragg to order a Southern retreat. With approximately 23,000 total casualties, Stones River was one of the deadliest battles of the war. Rosecrans claimed victory and the battle provided a much-needed boost to Union morale following their defeat at Fredericksburg, Virginia.


What Did Gettysburg Smell Like?

Cornelia Hancock, a resident of Hancock’s Bridge, New Jersey, and 23 years old in 1863 when the Battle of Gettysburg ripped open the Pennsylvania countryside, had an “average” nose. “The nason and the rhinion, which made up the bulk of the length of that nose, were quite sweeping but not overly, the nostrils were neither large nor small, only slightly flared,” Mark Smith, professor of history at the University of South Carolina, writes in his new book The Smell of Battle, The Taste of Siege: A Sensory History of the Civil War. “The tip was button-ish, but this was not necessarily a bad thing,” since it put her within the range of feminine nasal ideals of the day.

Hancock, intent upon serving as a nurse in the aftermath of the battle, brought that average nose to Gettysburg, where she was too late to smell the flowering peach blossoms and the saltpeter of expended gunpowder, but in plenty of time to smell the dead. She wrote home:

Hancock, Smith writes, was so overcome by the smell that she viewed it as an oppressive, malignant force, capable of killing the wounded men who were forced to lie amid the corpses until the medical corps could reach them. Hancock’s account, vivid in its horror, proves the limitations of the visual record of war. No photograph of the aftermath of the battle, writes Smith, could “capture the sounds, the groans or the rustle of twitching bodies”—and no image could ever capture that smell.

The Smell of Battle is an unconventional history of the Civil War, written with special attention to olfaction, touch, taste, sight, and hearing. It joins other recent histories of the war—Drew Gilpin Faust’s This Republic of Suffering: Death and the American Civil War Michael C.C. Adams’ Living Hell: The Dark Side of the Civil War—in trying to represent the war’s massive levels of death and disruption so that 21 st -century readers will really feel the history, deep in their bones. In episodic chapters that look at familiar historical evidence in new ways, Smith considers the fall of Fort Sumter in its terrifying loudness, the visual confusion of war at the first Battle of Bull Run, the stench of Gettysburg, the taste of subpar food inside the besieged city of Vicksburg, and the awful sensation of full-body confinement inside the doomed Confederate submarine H.L. Hunley.

Smith’s book forces us to set aside our lofty notions about the war and regard it from a human perspective. “This war was a war about some of the greatest and most noble ideals in American history,” Smith told me in an interview. “This was about freedom, questions of national identity, questions of sovereignty, questions of personal liberty. And I’m not denying all of that. What I am saying is that we have to be very careful not to elevate those noble questions so much that they cloud or occlude our understanding of war.” Sensory history, Smith said, is one way to help us understand how it would have felt to be there: trapped on the Hunley, straining to get enough oxygen from the scant supply of air, shivering in the humid cold, and laboring mightily to move the boat forward. “Underwriting all of those ideals,” he continued, “we have a very gritty, deeply unpleasant human experience. And that human experience can be best excavated by an attention to the sensory experiences of war.”

Sensory history, The Smell of Battle makes clear, is more than just an exercise in providing colorful detail (though the book is quite colorful, and, for all its awful subject matter, eminently readable). The goal is to understand how the people of the past felt about the sensations they reported. A smell or tactile sensation may change in meaning over time. Certain sensations may seem universally understandable—the pain of a blister hasn’t changed in 150 years—and yet that pain might mean something different to a person raised to prize smooth hands as a mark of social standing, or something else to somebody who lived at a time when broken blisters could lead to untreatable infections.

In the case of the Civil War, Smith argues that the conflict seemed particularly jarring to the Americans living through it because they were proud to consider themselves modern—able to control their sensory environment. New ideas about environmental sanitation, for instance, had begun to yield cleaner cities, with fewer odors of waste and decay. “A war,” Smith says, “doesn’t obey any of those mandates, any of those protocols.” The raucous, “transgressive” smells and sounds of war were “insistent” and “disempowering” “people felt as though they were hostage” to these incursions. For a society deeply invested in the relationship between order and modernity, the sensory changes of the war felt “atavistic.”

The senses also had social meaning to mid-19th-century Americans, marking differences between types of people. A 19th-century woman like Cornelia Hancock might process the smell of Gettysburg differently than we do because of the contemporary belief that cultivated people had sensitive noses and should guard themselves from unpleasant odors. The besieged citizens of Vicksburg weren’t merely turned off by the poor provisions during the long siege by Grant’s army they were horrified at the idea of eating the same kinds of foods as the enslaved people around them. In the South, a sophisticated sense of taste was a marker of social status. Black people’s mouths and palates, by contrast, were considered by Southerners to be “physically unrefined and aesthetically immature,” Smith writes, a stereotype “justifying the allocation of plain, functional, and flavorless food to slaves on plantations.” White residents eating a monotonous cornbread and bacon diet inside the crowded city or in their cave shelters felt their social boundaries collapsing, even as they grew hungrier and hungrier.

A book like Smith’s, which tries to put reports of sights, sounds, and tastes in context, is a powerful argument for the importance of reading original historical sources while trying to understand the social mores of the time. Re-enactments that try to recreate the sights, sounds, and smells of 19th-century war will always be limited by the 21st-century bodies we bring to them—we just don’t experience the sensations the way a 19 th -century American would. “I could have sold a lot more [books] if I had written this as a handbook to re-enactment,” Smith says. “But I can’t do that, I wouldn’t do that, and the reason why is that history matters.” A re-creation of the visual, acoustic, or olfactory environment of the Civil War is impossible—and even if we were willing to kill hundreds of horses and let them rot, or to confine ourselves underwater in dangerous prototype submarines, we would never be able to perceive these events as our forebears did.

Recalling an exhibit on trench warfare that I saw at the Imperial War Museum in Manchester, England last summer, which asked me to flip up the lid of a canister to smell something that could be rum, cigarette smoke, wet clothes, cordite, or human remains, I asked Smith if he has the same objections to museum exhibits that incorporate smells. “Sensory history has this kind of universal appeal to people,” Smith says. “You find some museums adopting this conceit: Listen to the past, touch the past. And what you’re really doing is no such thing. You’re using your own moment to mediate an imagined past.” I can flip up the lid, smell cigarette smoke, and associate it only with past good times at a bar or a party. The feeling of historical closeness these exhibits offer can be deceptive.

The Smell of Battle’s most effective passages demonstrate to the reader how the men and women of Civil War America experienced the conflict’s sensory assault. One of these is in the conclusion, which contrasts the heavily enforced quietness of enslaved people before the war with their vocal celebrations afterwards. As the Yankees marched through the South, “black voices [were] no longer constrained,” Smith writes. Their cheers and songs “punctured the southern air as surely as the first shells launched at Fort Sumter those long years before.” The war, Smith reminds us, produced sounds, smells, and tastes of liberation as well as destruction—a reminder that the “noble” stories of the war are inextricably linked to its sweat, blood, and stink.


On April 12, 1861, Confederate forces that had recently seceded from the Union fired upon Federal controlled Fort Sumter in Charleston, South Carolina. In response to the attack, President Abraham Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers to put down the rebellion. Hundreds of men from northeastern Ohio were quick to respond, volunteering for three months of military service. The 8th Ohio Infantry Regiment was organized in Cleveland between April 18 and May 4, 1861. In June, the regiment moved via train to Camp Dennison near Cincinnati for training and garrison duty. It mustered out June 22, having not left the Buckeye State.

Among the early recruits in Company F was Fremont dentist Everton Conger, who later in the war led the cavalry that tracked down and killed President Abraham Lincoln's assassin, John Wilkes Booth. Conger did not re-enlist in the regiment after his term expired, instead joining the 3rd West Virginia Cavalry.

Another future notable who initially served in the 8th Ohio was William E. Haynes, who would become a U.S. congressman from Ohio.

Early service Edit

Many of the three-months men reenlisted for three years on June 22–24, and the regiment was mustered in on June 26 under Col. Herman S. DePuy of Sandusky. On the evening of July 8, the regiment loaded onto trains and traveled to Grafton, Virginia, termed the “seat of war” by Lt. Col. Franklin Sawyer. [1] From July 1861 through March 1862, the regiment was a part of George B. McClellan’s army in the conflicts during the West Virginia Campaign. During this time, the regiment fought a series of small skirmishes around Beverly, Grafton, and Romney in the Appalachians, but saw no serious combat.

On March 1, 1862, the 8th Ohio moved to Winchester, Virginia, located in the Shenandoah Valley. There the regiment was brigaded with the 4th Ohio, 14th Indiana, and 7th West Virginia Infantry. During the next two and a half years, this brigade would primarily serve in the Army of the Potomac and would become known as the "Gibraltar Brigade." Initially, the brigade was commanded by Brig. Gen. Nathan Kimball of the 14th Indiana in Maj. Gen. James Shields's division. While in the Shenandoah Valley, the regiment participated in its first real battle, Kernstown, where it attacked and defeated a portion of Stonewall Jackson's force, while suffering almost twenty-five percent casualties. In all, the 8th listed forty-six men as killed or wounded.

In September 1862, during the Maryland Campaign, the regiment and the rest of the II Corps hastily marched northward in pursuit of Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia. The two armies met near Sharpsburg, Maryland, along the banks of Antietam Creek. Here, the 8th experienced what to date was its hardest fighting of the war. Kimball's brigade repeatedly attacked Alabama troops under D. H. Hill stationed in a sunken road during the Battle of Antietam, taking 50% casualties but eventually pushing through the defensive line at a cost of 162 officers and men killed or wounded. [2]

In early December, replenished by new recruits, the 8th Ohio participated in the Battle of Fredericksburg, where it was initially assigned as skirmishers after crossing the Rappahannock River on pontoon bridges. The regiment took shelter inside a cluster of buildings in the town of Fredericksburg approximately 150 yards from the Confederate line. From the comparative safety of their position, the men witnessed the series of bloody and futile attacks on Marye's Heights ordered by Ambrose Burnside. After firing relentlessly for hours from the houses and with its ammunition exhausted, the 8th Ohio withdrew under heavy enemy fire to the rear of the Union line.

Following the disaster at Fredericksburg, the 8th Ohio encamped until April 1863 in the town of Falmouth, Virginia. In May, Lt. Col. Franklin Sawyer and the regiment (and most of the II Corps) served as reserves during the Chancellorsville Campaign.

Gettysburg Edit

On June 3, 1863, elements of Lee's army began heading away from Fredericksburg towards the Shenandoah Valley. In response, the Union army, first under Joseph Hooker and then under George G. Meade, slowly began to pursue Lee into Maryland and subsequently into south-central Pennsylvania. The regiment lost a number of men to sunstroke and heat exhaustion during the brutal march northward, but arrived near Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, late in the day of July 1 and took up a defensive position along Cemetery Ridge with 209 men in its ranks. When James Longstreet and A. P. Hill launched attacks aimed at rolling up the Union line from south to north, the 8th was quickly shifted to a position near the Emmitsburg Road, where it engaged in a series of attacks and counterattacks on July 2 with Mississippi troops under Brig. Gen. Carnot Posey, while the rest of the brigade (now under Col. Samuel "Red" Carroll) was sent to Cemetery Hill to reinforce the embattled XI Corps.

After a restless night, the 8th held their position in the fields west of Emmitsburg Road, dueling with Confederate skirmishers for much of the morning of July 3. Following a lengthy cannonade in the early afternoon, over 12,000 Confederates under George Pickett, Isaac R. Trimble, and Johnston Pettigrew stepped off from Seminary Ridge and marched towards the Union line on Cemetery Ridge. Facing a force several times its number, the 8th Ohio held its advanced position and was able to flank portions of a Virginia brigade under Col. John M. Brockenbrough. Assisted by artillery fire from Cemetery Hill and Ziegler's Grove, the 8th succeeded in routing much of Brockenbrough's force, the first brigade to ever break and flee during Lee's tenure in command of the Army of Northern Virginia. The 8th then shifted and poured fire into the flank of other Confederate regiments. As the assault waned, the regiment collected over 300 prisoners of war. [3] As the Ohioans reentered the Union lines, they were given a salute of arms and cheers from the other regiments.

The 8th Ohio rested on July 4 before joining the Army of the Potomac in the pursuit of the retreating Confederates into Virginia. It served in the subsequent Bristoe and Mine Run Campaigns, but saw no further significant combat in 1863.

1864 actions Edit

The 8th Ohio Infantry did not see significant fighting until the Overland Campaign. On May 8, the regiment halted a Confederate assault on the Union lines in the dense woods known as the Wilderness. The next day, the regiment was again attacked and managed to hold its ground despite serious losses. After fighting at the Battle of Spotsylvania Court House, the 8th marched southward as Ulysses S. Grant continually sidestepped Lee and relentlessly moved towards Richmond and Petersburg. With only three weeks left in their original three-year term of enlistment, on June 1 the regiment was sent forward in the ill-fated attacks at the Battle of Cold Harbor, where it again suffered considerable casualties before withdrawing. After the attack at Cold Harbor, the regiment was placed in reserve until its enlistment expired. On June 24, the regiment withdrew from Petersburg and was sent back to Ohio. A number of men stayed in the service and were transferred to Company A, 4th Ohio Infantry on June 24–25.

After days of celebrations and salutes, the regiment officially mustered out of service on July 13, 1864, with only 168 men left in the ranks. The 8th Ohio lost during service 8 officers and 124 enlisted men killed and mortally wounded, and 1 officer and 72 enlisted men by disease (a total of 205 fatalities). [4]

After fighting in most of the major campaigns of the Army of the Potomac, the 8th Ohio had acquired a reputation as one of the best fighting units in the Union army. It is memorialized with monuments at Antietam and Gettysburg, as well as an inscription at the Soldiers' and Sailors' Monument in Cleveland's Public Square. Its national battle flag is in the collection of the Ohio Historical Society in Columbus, and some artifacts and records in the Western Reserve Historical Society.

Three men from the regiment received the Medal of Honor for their actions during the Civil War:


Chancellorsville : The Battle and Its Aftermath

A variety of important but lesser-known dimensions of the Chancellorsville campaign of spring 1863 are explored in this collection of eight original essays. Departing from the traditional focus on generalship and tactics, the contributors address the campaign's broad context and implications and revisit specific battlefield episodes that have in the past been poorly understood.

Chancellorsville was a remarkable victory for Robert E. Lee's troops, a fact that had enormous psychological importance for both sides, which had met recently at Fredericksburg and would meet again at Gettysburg in just two months. But the achievement, while stunning, came at an enormous cost: more than 13,000 Confederates became casualties, including Stonewall Jackson, who was wounded by friendly fire and died several days later.

The topics covered in this volume include the influence of politics on the Union army, the importance of courage among officers, the impact of the war on children, and the state of battlefield medical care. Other essays illuminate the important but overlooked role of Confederate commander Jubal Early, reassess the professionalism of the Union cavalry, investigate the incident of friendly fire that took Stonewall Jackson's life, and analyze the military and political background of Confederate colonel Emory Best's court-martial on charges of abandoning his men.

Contributors
Keith S. Bohannon, Pennsylvania State University and Greenville, South Carolina
Gary W. Gallagher, University of Virginia
A. Wilson Greene, Petersburg, Virginia
John J. Hennessy, Fredericksburg, Virginia
Robert K. Krick, Fredericksburg, Virginia
James Marten, Marquette University
Carol Reardon, Pennsylvania State University
James I. Robertson Jr., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University


Imperfect Union: A Father’s Search for His Son in the Aftermath of the Battle of Gettysburg Hardcover – Illustrated, 1 October 2016

Much has been written about Civil War journalism―and not just by me―but too little about Civil War journalists. Chuck Raasch has helped fill that void with an exhaustively researched yarn that not only sheds new light on the operations and operatives of the 19th-century press, but also tugs at the heart with a story of gut-wrenching loss and inspiring faith. -- Harold Holzer, Jonathan F. Fanton Director, Roosevelt House Public Policy Institute at Hunter College, Author of Lincoln and the Power of the Press (Winner, 2015 Lincoln Prize)

This unique book tells the poignant story of Sam Wilkeson, a war correspondent who wrote one of the most eloquent reports of the battle of Gettysburg, and his son Bayard, an artillery commander who was killed in the battle. But Imperfect Union is a great deal more--an often poetic reflection on the meaning of war and peace, love and death, sacrifice and regeneration. Even if you think you know everything there is to know about Gettysburg, you will find something new here. -- James M. McPherson, Civil War historian and Pulitzer Prize-winner for "Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era"

Chuck Raasch has written an important book, one that contains both an aerial and intimate view of the human cost of the greatest battle ever fought in North America. -- Ken Burns, director of the Emmy Award–winning documentary The Civil War

The story of Sam Wilkeson and his son Bayard and what happened to them at Gettysburg stands as one of the most dramatic and compelling of the entire Civil War. And yet it is largely unknown. With exceptionally wide-ranging research, Chuck Raasch has performed a great service in restoring this heroic saga to modern-day students of the period. -- Matthew Pinsker, Pohanka Chair in American Civil War History at Dickinson College and author of Lincoln's Sanctuary

A memorable book which is all the more compelling because of the humanity he invests in the kind of young men who went to war through the ages. -- Muriel Dobbin, The Washington Times


ISBN 13: 9780939631827

Coco, Gregory A.

This specific ISBN edition is currently not available.

The more dismal side of the Gettysburg campaign is covered: burials of Union and Confederate corpses, removal of the 3,000 horses killed, care of the wounded, descriptions of field hospitals, disposition of POWs, cleanup of the battle ground, collection of weapons, early relic hunters, battlefield guides, and a tour of the grim and bloody fields as described by a host of early visitors.

"synopsis" may belong to another edition of this title.

Gregory Ashton Coco, born and raised in Louisiana, lived in the Gettysburg area for nearly 35 years. In 1972, after serving in the U.S. Army, he earned a degree in American History from the University of Southwestern Louisiana. While in the military, Greg spent a tour of duty in Vietnam as a prisoner of war military interrogator and infantry platoon radio operator with the 25th Infantry and received, among other awards, the Purple Heart and Bronze Star. During his years in Gettysburg, Greg worked as a National Park Service Ranger and a Licensed Battlefield Guide. He wrote sixteen books and a dozen scholarly articles on Gettysburg and the Civil War. His A Strange and Blighted Land. Gettysburg: The Aftermath of a Battle was voted #12 in the Top 50 Civil War Books ever written. Greg died at age 62 in February of 2009. In his words, he was “the happy husband of Cindy L. Small for 26 years. He was the fortunate father of daughter, Keri E. Coco. He loved them both with all his heart.” Keri is married to Cail MacLean and they have a daughter, Ashton MacLean Coco.

“. gripping, personal, and brutally honest. There was nothing pretty or glorious or romantic about a battle -- especially once the fighting ended. No personal, community, or academic library American Civil War collection can be considered complete or comprehensive without the inclusion of Gregory Coco's "A Strange and Blighted Land".” (Midwest Book Review)


'Death on a Misty Morning', aftermath of the Battle of Gettysburg, American Civil War, 5 July 1863.

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USS Gettysburg (CG-64)

The third Gettysburg (CG-64) was laid down on 17 August 1988, at Bath, Maine, by Bath Iron Works launched on 22 July 1989 sponsored by Julie Nixon Eisenhower, wife of Dwight D. Eisenhower II, grandson of former President Dwight D. Eisenhower and son-in-law of former President Richard M. Nixon and commissioned on 22 June 1991, Captain John M. Langknecht in command. [2]

On 30 November 1994, Gettysburg — along with Halyburton — was dispatched to assist the cruise ship Achille Lauro, which was on fire in the Indian Ocean off the coast of Somalia. Achille Lauro eventually sank but the passengers were rescued and transported to Mombasa, Kenya. [3] [4] [5]

She bumped into Iranian corvette IRIS Bayandor (81) on 13 October 1996 in north of Persian Gulf, however neither of the ships suffered from a serious damage [6]

Operation Desert Fox (16-20 December 1998)

In March 2003, the ship was assigned to Cruiser-Destroyer Group Twelve. [7]

Gettysburg, Captain Philip C. Davidson in command, and with a Sikorsky SH-60B Seahawk of Helicopter Antisubmarine Squadron Light (HSL) 46 Detachment 5 and a Coast Guard law enforcement detachment (LEDET) embarked, sailed from Naval Station Mayport, on a two-part counter narcotics deployment to the Western Caribbean and Eastern Pacific (11 October–23 December 2005 and 1 January–4 April 2006). She visited Curaçao, Netherlands Antilles (21-25 October), passed through the Panama Canal (3-4 November), and provided air surveillance and evacuation support for a visit by President George W. Bush to Panama. In addition, the ship visited Vasco Nunez de Balboa, Panama (18-22 November and 5–6 and 16–18 December). Gettysburg intercepted three narcotics smuggling vessels, 14 metric tons (13.8 long tons 15.4 short tons) of cocaine, and 17 smugglers before the New Year. She came about on 17 December, and intercepted her third suspect, a vessel carrying more than 11 metric tons (10.8 long tons 12.1 short tons) of cocaine in the Eastern Pacific, on 22 December. [2]

The ship, with HSL-46 Detachment 5 and Coast Guard LEDET 409 embarked, intercepted MV Perseus V on 12 January 2006. The boarding team discovered a hidden compartment containing 1.6 metric tons (1.6 long tons 1.8 short tons) of cocaine and detained 11 suspected smugglers. The boarders then placed a custody crew on board, which delivered the boat to host nation authorities more than 500 miles (800 km) away four days later. [2]

On 7 February Gettysburg, with LEDET 404 embarked, carried out a covert, nighttime surveillance and pre-dawn interception of fishing boat Divi, which analysts suspected of smuggling up to 15 metric tons (14.8 long tons 16.5 short tons) of cocaine. The suspects sighted Gettysburg, set fire to their vessel, and abandoned ship in a skiff. The cruiser deployed two rigid hull inflatable boats (RHIBs) to battle the blaze, but the intense, fuel-fed flames overwhelmed Divi and she sank. The boarders observed more than 150 bales of cocaine on the smuggler’s deck, but only retrieved less than 150 kilograms (330 lb). The Americans took the eight crewmen into custody. [2]

Gettysburg patrolled an area about 1,750 nautical miles (3,240 km 2,010 mi) west of the Galapagos Islands when a Lockheed P-3C Orion directed her to query fishing boat William, on 24 February 2006. The Orion aggressively monitored the suspected vessel, preventing her from rendezvousing with a go-fast. Gettysburg meanwhile launched Cutlass 467, her Seahawk, which guided the ship toward William, but the suspects attempted to scuttle their boat. Gettysburg ' s rescue and assistance teams and LEDET 404 saved William, enabling her boarding team to recovery 4.9 metric tons (4.8 long tons 5.4 short tons) of cocaine and apprehend the eight smugglers. [2]

An Orion located a stealthy go-fast steaming westerly courses through a known drug-trafficking area on 11 March. Gettysburg closed and under cover of darkness, deployed LEDET 404 and a security team on board a RHIB, which boarded the suspected vessel, seizing 3.75 metric tons (3.7 long tons 4.1 short tons) of cocaine, 8 kilograms (18 lb) of heroin, and detaining five smugglers. In addition, she sailed through the Panama Canal twice (30-31 January and 15-16 March), and visited Cartagena, Colombia (20-21 January), Vasco Nunez de Balboa (16-19 February and 4-5 and 15-16 March), Curaçao (23-26 March), and Port Everglades, Florida (29 March-1 April). During this second voyage she seized or interdicted four suspected smuggling vessels and more than 25 metric tons (24.6 long tons 27.6 short tons) of cocaine with a street value of $1.7 billion, detaining 34 suspected smugglers. Additionally, she issued return-to-port orders to two Colombian-flagged vessels capable of providing logistics support to narcotics traffickers. Working with other agencies and Orions during the two deployments, Gettysburg proved instrumental in the seizure of seven vessels, 45 smugglers, and 750 bales totaling more than 28 metric tons (27.6 long tons 30.9 short tons) of cocaine and heroin valued at $1.95 billion. [2]

Amphibious assault ship Boxer, which operated as the afloat staging base for Combined Task Force (CTF) 151, coordinated the apprehension of six pirates in the Gulf of Aden on 20 March 2009. A skiff containing the suspects pursued Philippine-flagged MV Bison Express, which sent a distress call. Gettysburg ' s embarked SH-60B from HSL-46 spotted the pirates throwing objects overboard, and a visit, board, search, and seizure team from the cruiser seized the suspects, who were then transferred to Boxer for questioning. [2]

CTF-151, Turkish Rear Admiral Caner Bener, in command, defeated a pirate attack in the Gulf of Aden on 13 May 2009. Gettysburg and South Korean helicopter destroyer ROKS Munmu the Great (DDH-976) responded to a distress call from Egyptian-flagged MV Amira when pirates attacked her 75 nautical miles (139 km 86 mi) south of Al Mukalla, Yemen. A Seahawk from HSL-46 Detachment 9, embarked on board Gettysburg, located a dhow suspected of serving as a “mother ship” for pirates. A visit, board, search, and seizure team and Coast Guard LEDET 409 from the cruiser discovered a variety of weapons on board the dhow and detained her 17 crewmembers. Gettysburg rescued another ship during her busy deployment when a Seahawk from the cruiser responded to Yemeni MV Alaseb and her 11 passengers, adrift in the Gulf of Aden on 26 May. The helo guided Gettysburg to the area, which towed Alaseb to a rendezvous with the Yemen Coast Guard for repairs. [2]

The 13 May 2009, incident with MV Amira was filmed and featured on the Spike TV network special U.S. Navy: Pirate Hunters. [8]

Gettysburg completed her Composite Unit Training Exercise as part of Carrier Strike Group Two on 10 February 2011. [9] Gettysburg deployed with an embarked Helicopter Maritime Strike Squadron 70 (HSM-70) detachment as part of Carrier Strike Group Two, departing Naval Station Mayport on 10 May 2011. [10] Gettysburg subsequently participated in NATO naval exercise Exercise Saxon Warrior off the coast of England, under the operational control of Flag Officer Sea Training (FOST). During this exercise, Gettysburg operated with the new British guided-missile destroyer HMS Dauntless (D33) . [11]


155 Years Ago: The Battle of Gettysburg Began (But Everyone Forgets This Fact)

Many Americans today are familiar with the battle of Gettysburg. Most read about it in history books growing up. Some have even attended reenactments in the city itself. But it is very difficult to appreciate the savagery, the barbarity of the fight, or the sheer volume of carnage that afflicted both sides. While the battle itself is known by most Americans, few are aware of the aftermath of the fight. A description of what happened on the field of battle after the two armies moved on to continue the fight elsewhere may be most indicative of the horrific experience there.

November 8 witnessed one of the most stunning upsets in U.S. political history when Donald Trump defeated Hillary Clinton. But it might not have been the most stunning upset. 150 years earlier, also on November 8, a U.S. presidential election produced a shocking winner in what may be the most consequential election ever held in America.

In the summer of 1864, the Civil War had been raging for three years. Already, well over eight hundred thousand Americans had been killed or wounded. Citizens in both the North and South were virulently sick of war and wanted the conflict ended. Events on the battlefield, just before the election that fall, would seal the South’s defeat, catapult Abraham Lincoln to victory and ultimately provide momentum for the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment, permanently freeing all slaves in America.

This first appeared several years ago.

Though not recognized at that time, it was a key battle the summer before that actually dealt what would prove to be the fatal blow to the South. The fight took place in a farming village in southern Pennsylvania that few in America had ever heard of: Gettysburg.

Most people in America today, regardless of party affiliation, revere Abraham Lincoln and believe that he was equally and broadly popular in his time. Many would be shocked to learn that heading into the election of 1864, Lincoln was expected to lose. Less than three months before the election, the cofounder of the Republican Party and editor of the powerful New York Tribune, Horace Greeley, wrote to senior Republican leaders, “Mr. Lincoln is already beaten. He cannot be elected. And we must have another ticket to save us from utter overthrow.”

By all accounts, as late as August 1864, most experts expected former Union general George B. McClellan to handily defeat Lincoln. Yet barely two months before the election, Gen. William T. Sherman finally overpowered Confederate defenses and captured the city of Atlanta, sending a wave of euphoria throughout the Union. After the leaders of his own party had considered replacing him on the Republican ticket, Lincoln won the most lopsided victory in history when he defeated McClellan in the Electoral College, 212 to 21. Sherman’s victory at Atlanta—and hence Lincoln’s victory in 1864—was made possible by the Union victory at Gettysburg in July 1863.

Confederate commander Gen. Robert E. Lee launched an offensive into Union territory in the summer of 1863, in an attempt to relieve pressure on the South and possibly turn the support of Northerners against the war, leading potentially to a negotiated settlement. The Union troops, led at the time by Gen. George Meade, met the rebels near the outskirts of Gettysburg on July 1. On the first day of battle, Lee’s troops scored decisive victories. On the second day, again Union forces suffered setbacks, leading some to fear Meade’s troops might have to surrender the field and withdraw. The fate of the entire battle came down to the defense of one small hill on the Union’s far left flank, at an otherwise unremarkable hill known as the Little Round Top.

The defensive position was secured by the Twentieth Maine regiment, led by Col. Joshua Chamberlain, who had been a professor of modern languages at Bowdoin College before the war. If Lee’s troops could dislodge the Twentieth Maine from the hill, the rest of the Yankee line would be vulnerable, potentially leading to complete Confederate victory. Chamberlain was told to hold the hill at all costs even if he lost every man, retreat was not permitted.

The Confederates likewise recognized the value of the hill and ordered five regiments from Alabama and Texas to take the hill. Vastly outnumbered, the Twentieth Maine stretched themselves to barely one deep. Southern troops recognized how thin the line was on the far end of the defenses, and ordered a flanking assault. Chamberlain moved some of his men as far left as he could and met the charge. The first rebel attempt was repelled. A second and third charge was likewise repulsed, but the last attack by the Texans and Alabamians had depleted most of the remaining ammunition among the federal troops.

Seeing that the Confederates were assembling for another charge up the hill, Chamberlain realized he didn’t have enough ammunition to survive one more assault. Remembering his orders to hold at all costs, the Colonel ordered his men to fix bayonets. When the enemy began its final attack, Chamberlain ordered his men to leave their protective positions at the top of the hill and to run headlong into the attacking Southerners.

The Twentieth Maine didn’t stand a chance. They were exhausted, most—including Colonel Chamberlain—were wounded, and many of the troops were out of ammunition. Yet despite these odds, miraculously, the Yankee troops dashed downhill, right into the teeth of the Southern attack, screaming and wildly flashing the steel of their bayonets, and took the Southerners by surprise. The audacity of the downhill assault shocked the attackers. Once the Union troops broke through the Southern line, a panic set in and the rebel troops abandoned the field. The Union flank held, and eventually the entire Confederate attack failed.

Many Americans today are familiar with the battle of Gettysburg. Most read about it in history books growing up. Some have even attended reenactments in the city itself. But it is very difficult to appreciate the savagery, the barbarity of the fight, or the sheer volume of carnage that afflicted both sides. While the battle itself is known by most Americans, few are aware of the aftermath of the fight. A description of what happened on the field of battle after the two armies moved on to continue the fight elsewhere may be most indicative of the horrific experience there.

The Civil War inflicted the most casualties on Americans of any war we’ve ever fought. The North and South suffered the greatest number of casualties in that war at the battle of Gettysburg. Over fifty-one thousand people—both soldiers and civilians—were killed or wounded that day. The cleanup of the aftermath was almost as horrific as the battle itself.

Most experts estimate there were well over three thousand total bodies left on the ground when both the Union and Confederate armies continued to the next fight. Neither side had the manpower to bury more than a few score of their men. You can imagine what would happen to the remains of that many human beings in the middle of the hot and desultory summer when temperatures were near one hundred.

Historian Gregory Coco, author of A Strange and Blighted Land: Gettysburg, The Aftermath of a Battle, exhaustively research what happened on the Gettysburg battlefield in the years following the fight. His descriptions are sometimes hard to read. At a speech given at Gettysburg at the book’s launch, he explained that there were thousands of dead soldiers, but also three thousand dead horses and two thousand other animals. “There was every type of corrupting, decomposing corpse you could imagine,” he said. The stench was horrifying for those tasked with cleaning up the land.

Burying that many people was a mammoth chore, leaving little room for honor or formalities. “There might have been as many as 25 to 30 burial trenches,” Coco explained, “and in these trenches were anywhere from 25 to 100 men. The way they would bury them would be to put the men in the trenches and then cover them with maybe four inches of soil.” This seemingly efficient method had unintended consequences.

After the quick burials in the shallow graves, heavy rains would expose the bodies again and you could see where “hands stuck out, feet stuck out, and skulls stuck out. The birds had finally come back after a few weeks and they began to peck at the bodies,” Coco continued. “But worse than that, there were wild hogs and dogs loose everywhere. They began to chew on the exposed body parts and actually pull them out of the ground. I don’t think there can be anything worse in a human’s mind than to see a human being—enemy or not—being eaten by a wild dog or hog.”

A Union surgeon at one battle site recorded that “stretched along, in one straight line, ready for interment, at least a thousand blackened bloated corpses with blood and gas protruding from every orifice, and maggots holding high carnival over their heads.” It is difficult to comprehend or reconcile on one’s mind that such staggering human suffering and destruction at the Battle of Gettysburg actually resulted in positive outcomes for the country.


Watch the video: Αρχιεπίσκοπος Αυστραλίας Μακάριος - Μάχη της Κρήτης 2021 (May 2022).


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