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Alans

The Alans (Latin: Alani) were an ancient and medieval Iranian nomadic pastoral people of the North Caucasus [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] - generally regarded as part of the Sarmatians, and possibly related to the Massagetae. [6] Modern historians have connected the Alans with the Central Asian Yancai of Chinese sources and with the Aorsi of Roman sources. [7] Having migrated westwards and become dominant among the Sarmatians on the Pontic–Caspian steppe, the Alans are mentioned by Roman sources in the 1st century AD. [1] [2] At that time they had settled the region north of the Black Sea and frequently raided the Parthian Empire and the Caucasian provinces of the Roman Empire. [8] From 215–250 AD, their power on the Pontic Steppe was broken by the Goths. [4]

Upon the Hunnic defeat of the Goths on the Pontic Steppe around 375 AD, many of the Alans migrated westwards along with various Germanic tribes. They crossed the Rhine in 406 AD along with the Vandals and Suebi, settling in Orléans and Valence. Around 409 AD, they joined the Vandals and Suebi in crossing the Pyrenees into the Iberian Peninsula, settling in Lusitania and Hispania Carthaginensis. [9] The Iberian Alans were soundly defeated by the Visigoths in 418 AD and subsequently surrendered their authority to the Hasdingi Vandals. [10] In 428 AD, the Vandals and Alans crossed the Strait of Gibraltar into North Africa, where they founded a powerful kingdom which lasted until its conquest by forces of the Byzantine Emperor Justinian I in 534 AD. [10]

The Alans who remained under Hunnic rule founded a powerful kingdom in the North Caucasus in the Middle Ages, which survived until the Mongol invasions in the 13th century AD. These Alans are said [ by whom? ] to be the ancestors of the modern Ossetians. [8]

The Alans spoke an Eastern Iranian language which derived from Scytho-Sarmatian and which in turn evolved into modern Ossetian. [2] [11] [12] The name Alan is an Iranian dialectal form of Aryan. [1] [2]


Contents

Etymology

Linguist Oswald Szemerényi studied synonyms of various origins for Scythian and differentiated the following terms: Skuthes Σκύθης, Skudra, Sug(u)da and Saka. [25]

  • Skuthes Σκύθης, Skudra, Sug(u)da descended from the Indo-European root(s)kewd-, meaning "propel, shoot" (cognate with English shoot). *skud- is the zero-grade form of the same root. Szemerényi restores the Scythians' self-name as *skuda (roughly "archer"). This yields the Ancient GreekSkuthēs Σκύθης (plural Skuthai Σκύθαι) and the AssyrianAškuz. The Old Armenian: սկիւթ skiwtʰ is based on itacistic Greek. A late Scythian sound change from /d/ to /l/ established the Greek word Skolotoi (Σκώλοτοι), from the Scythian *skula which, according to Herodotus, was the self-designation of the Royal Scythians. [26] Other sound changes have produced Sogdia.
  • The term Saka reflected in Old Persian: Sakā, Greek: Σάκαι Latin: Sacae, Sanskrit: शक Śaka comes from an Iranian verbal root sak-, "go, roam" and thus means "nomad". Although closely related, the Saka people are nomadic Iranians, that are to be distinguished from the European Scythians and inhabited the northern and eastern Eurasian Steppe and the Tarim Basin. [7] [better source needed] [27][28]

Exonyms

The name Scythian is derived from the name used for them by the ancient Greeks. [29] Iskuzai or Askuzai was the name given them by the Assyrians. The ancient Persians used the term Saka for all nomads of the Eurasian Steppe, including the Scythians. [30]

Ethnonyms

Herodotus said the ruling class of the Scythians, whom he referred to as the Royal Scythians, called themselves Skolotoi. [4]

Modern terminology

In scholarship, the term Scythians generally refers to the nomadic Iranian people who dominated the Pontic steppe from the 7th century BC to the 3rd century BC. [1]

The Scythians share several cultural similarities with other populations living to their east, in particular similar weapons, horse gear and Scythian art, which has been referred to as the Scythian triad. [4] [6] Cultures sharing these characteristics have often been referred to as Scythian cultures, and its peoples called Scythians. [5] [31] Peoples associated with Scythian cultures include not only the Scythians themselves, who were a distinct ethnic group, [32] but also Cimmerians, Massagetae, Saka, Sarmatians and various obscure peoples of the forest steppe, [4] [5] such as early Slavs, Balts and Finno-Ugric peoples. [30] [33] Within this broad definition of the term Scythian, the actual Scythians have often been distinguished from other groups through the terms Classical Scythians, Western Scythians, European Scythians or Pontic Scythians. [5]

Scythologist Askold Ivantchik notes with dismay that the term "Scythian" has been used within both a broad and a narrow context, leading to a good deal of confusion. He reserves the term "Scythian" for the Iranian people dominating the Pontic steppe from the 7th century BC to the 3rd century BC. [4] Nicola Di Cosmo writes that the broad concept of "Scythian" is "too broad to be viable", and that the term "early nomadic" is preferable. [6]

Origins

Literary evidence

The Scythians first appeared in the historical record in the 8th century BC. [25] Herodotus reported three contradictory versions as to the origins of the Scythians, but placed greatest faith in this version: [34]

There is also another different story, now to be related, in which I am more inclined to put faith than in any other. It is that the wandering Scythians once dwelt in Asia, and there warred with the Massagetae, but with ill success they therefore quitted their homes, crossed the Araxes, and entered the land of Cimmeria.

Herodotus presented four different versions of Scythian origins:

  1. Firstly (4.7), the Scythians' legend about themselves, which portrays the first Scythian king, Targitaus, as the child of the sky-god and of a daughter of the Dnieper. Targitaus allegedly lived a thousand years before the failed Persian invasion of Scythia, or around 1500 BC. He had three sons, before whom fell from the sky a set of four golden implements—a plough, a yoke, a cup and a battle-axe. Only the youngest son succeeded in touching the golden implements without them bursting with fire, and this son's descendants, called by Herodotus the "Royal Scythians", continued to guard them.
  2. Secondly (4.8), a legend told by the Pontic Greeks featuring Scythes, the first king of the Scythians, as a child of Hercules and Echidna.
  3. Thirdly (4.11), in the version which Herodotus said he believed most, the Scythians came from a more southern part of Central Asia, until a war with the Massagetae (a powerful tribe of steppe nomads who lived just northeast of Persia) forced them westward.
  4. Finally (4.13), a legend which Herodotus attributed to the Greek bard Aristeas, who claimed to have got himself into such a Bachanalian fury that he ran all the way northeast across Scythia and further. According to this, the Scythians originally lived south of the Rhipaean mountains, until they got into a conflict with a tribe called the Issedones, pressed in their turn by the "one-eyed Arimaspians" and so the Scythians decided to migrate westwards.

Accounts by Herodotus of Scythian origins has been discounted recently although his accounts of Scythian raiding activities contemporary to his writings have been deemed more reliable. [35]

Archaeological evidence

Modern interpretation of historical, archaeological and anthropological evidence has proposed two broad hypotheses on Scythian origins. [36]

The first hypothesis, formerly more espoused by Soviet and then Russian researchers, roughly followed Herodotus' (third) account, holding that the Scythians were an Eastern Iranian-speaking group who arrived from Inner Asia, i.e. from the area of Turkestan and western Siberia. [36]

The second hypothesis, according to Roman Ghirshman and others, proposes that the Scythian cultural complex emerged from local groups of the Srubna culture at the Black Sea coast, [36] although this is also associated with the Cimmerians. According to Pavel Dolukhanov this proposal is supported by anthropological evidence which has found that Scythian skulls are similar to preceding findings from the Srubna culture, and distinct from those of the Central Asian Saka. [37] Yet, according to J. P. Mallory, the archaeological evidence is poor, and the Andronovo culture and "at least the eastern outliers of the Timber-grave culture" may be identified as Indo-Iranian. [36]

Genetic evidence

In 2017, a genetic study of the Scythians suggested that they were ultimately descended from the Yamna culture, and emerged on the Pontic steppe independently of peoples belonging to Scythian cultures further east. [5] Based on the analysis of mithocondrial lineages, another later 2017 study suggested that the Scythians were directly descended from the Srubnaya culture. [38] A later analysis of paternal lineages, published in 2018, found significant genetic differences between the Srubnaya and the Scythians, suggesting that the Srubnaya and the Scythians instead traced a common origin in the Yamnaya culture, with the Scythians and related peoples such as the Sarmatians perhaps tracing their origin to the eastern Pontic-Caspian steppes and the southern Urals. [39] Another 2019 study also concluded that migrations must have played a part in the emergence of the Scythians as the dominant power of the Pontic steppe. [40]

Early history

Herodotus provides the first detailed description of the Scythians. He classifies the Cimmerians as a distinct autochthonous tribe, expelled by the Scythians from the northern Black Sea coast (Hist. 4.11–12). Herodotus also states (4.6) that they consisted of the Auchatae, Catiaroi, Traspians, and Paralatae or "Royal Scythians".

In the early 7th century BC, the Scythians and Cimmerians are recorded in Assyrian texts as having conquered Urartu. In the 670s, the Scythians under their king Bartatua raided the territories of the Assyrian Empire. The Assyrian king Esarhaddon managed to make peace with the Scythians by marrying off his daughter to Bartatua and by paying a large amount of tribute. [4] Bartatua was succeeded by his son Madius ca. 645 BC, after which they launched a great raid on Palestine and Egypt. Madius subsequently subjugated the Median Empire. During this time, Herodotus notes that the Scythians raided and exacted tribute from "the whole of Asia". In the 620s, Cyaxares, leader of the Medes, treacherously killed a large number of Scythian chieftains at a feast. The Scythians were subsequently driven back to the steppe. In 612 BC, the Medes and Scythians participated in the destruction of the Assyrian Empire at the Battle of Nineveh. During this period of incursions into the Middle East, the Scythians became heavily influenced by the local civilizations. [41]

In the 6th century BC, the Greeks had begun establishing settlements along the coasts and rivers of the Pontic steppe, coming in contact with the Scythians. Relations between the Greeks and the Scythians appear to have been peaceful, with the Scythians being substantially influenced by the Greeks, although the city of the Panticapaeum might have been destroyed by the Scythians in the mid-century BC. During this time, the Scythian philosopher Anacharsis traveled to Athens, where he made a great impression on the local people with his "barbarian wisdom". [4]

War with Persia

By the late 6th century BC, the Archaemenid king Darius the Great had built Persia into becoming the most powerful empire in the world, stretching from Egypt to India. Planning an invasion of Greece, Darius first sought to secure his northern flank against Scythian introads. Thus, Darius declared war on the Scythians. [41] At first, Darius sent his Cappadocian satrap Ariamnes with a vast fleet (estimated at 600 ships by Herodotus) into Scythian territory, where several Scythian nobles were captured. He then built a bridge across the Bosporus and easily defeated the Thracians, crossing the Danube into Scythian territory with a large army (700,000 men if one is to believe Herodotus) in 512 BC. [43] At this time Scythians were separated into three major kingdoms, with the leader of the largest tribe, King Idanthyrsus, being the supreme ruler, and his subordinate kings being Scopasis and Taxacis. [ citation needed ]

Unable to receive support from neighboring nomadic peoples against the Persians, the Scythians evacuated their civilians and livestock to the north and adopted a scorched earth strategy, while simultaneously harassing the extensive Persian supply lines. Suffering heavy losses, the Persians reached as far as the Sea of Azov, until Darius was compelled to enter into negotiations with Idanthyrsus, which, however, broke down. Darius and his army eventually reatreated across the Danube back into Persia, and the Scythians thereafter earned a reputation of invincibility among neighboring peoples. [4] [43]

Golden Age

In the aftermath of their defeat of the Persian invasion, Scythian power grew considerably, and they launched campaigns against their Thracian neighbors in the west. [44] In 496 BC, the Scythians launched an great expedition into Thrace, reaching as far as Chersonesos. [4] During this time they negotiated an alliance with the Achaemenid Empire against the Spartan king Cleomenes I. A prominent king of the Scythians in the 5th century BC was Scyles. [41]

The Scythian offensive against the Thracians was checked by the Odrysian kingdom. The border between the Scythians and the Odrysian kingdom was thereafter set at the Danube, and relations between the two dynasties were good, with dynastic marriages frequently occurring. [4] The Scythians also expanded towards the north-west, where they destroyed numerous fortified settlements and probably subjucated numerous settled populations. A similar fate was suffered by the Greek cities of the northwestern Black Sea coast and parts of the Crimea, over which the Scythians established political control. [4] Greek settlements along the Don River also came under the control of the Scythians. [4]

A division of responsibility developed, with the Scythians holding the political and military power, the urban population carrying out trade, and the local sedentary population carrying out manual labor. [4] Their territories grew grain, and shipped wheat, flocks, and cheese to Greece. The Scythians apparently obtained much of their wealth from their control over the slave trade from the north to Greece through the Greek Black Sea colonial ports of Olbia, Chersonesos, Cimmerian Bosporus, and Gorgippia. [ citation needed ]

When Herodotus wrote his Histories in the 5th century BC, Greeks distinguished Scythia Minor, in present-day Romania and Bulgaria, from a Greater Scythia that extended eastwards for a 20-day ride from the Danube River, across the steppes of today's East Ukraine to the lower Don basin. [ citation needed ]

Scythian offensives against the Greek colonies of the northeastern Black Sea coast were largely unsuccessful, as the Greeks united under the leadership of the city of Panticapaeum and put up a vigorous defence. These Greek cities developed into the Bosporan Kingdom. Meanwhile, several Greek colonies formerly under Scythian control began to reassert their independence. It is possible that the Scythians were suffering from internal troubles during this time. [4] By the mid-4th century BC, the Sarmatians, a related Iranian people living to the east of the Scythians, began expanding into Scythian territory. [41]

The 4th century BC was a flowering of Scythian culture. The Scythian king Ateas managed to unite under his power the Scythian tribes living between the Maeotian marshes and the Danube, while simultaneously enroaching upon the Thracians. [44] He conquered territories along the Danube as far the Sava river and established a trade route from the Black Sea to the Adriatic, which enabled a flourishing of trade in the Scythian kingdom. The westward expansion of Ateas brought him into conflict with Philip II of Macedon (reigned 359 to 336 BC), with whom he had previously been allied, [4] who took military action against the Scythians in 339 BC. Ateas died in battle, and his empire disintegrated. [41] Philip's son, Alexander the Great, continued the conflict with the Scythians. In 331 BC, his general Zopyrion invaded Scythian territory with a force of 30,000 men, but was routed and killed by the Scythians near Olbia. [4] [44]

Decline

In the aftermath of conflict between Macedon and the Scythians, the Celts seem to have displaced the Scythians from the Balkans while in south Russia, a kindred tribe, the Sarmatians, gradually overwhelmed them. In 310–309 BC, as noted by Diodorus Siculus, the Scythians, in alliance with the Bosporan Kingdom, defeated the Siraces in a great battle at the river Thatis. [44]

By the early 3rd century BC, the Scythian culture of the Pontic steppe suddenly disappears. The reasons for this are controversial, but the expansion of the Sarmatians certainly played a role. The Scythians in turn shifted their focus towards the Greek cities of the Crimea. [4]

By around 200 BC, the Scythians had largely withdrawn into the Crimea. By the time of Strabo's account (the first decades AD), the Crimean Scythians had created a new kingdom extending from the lower Dnieper to the Crimea, centered at Scythian Neapolis near modern Simferopol. They had become more settled and were intermingling with the local populations, in particular the Tauri, and were also subjected to Hellenization. They maintained close relations with the Bosporan Kingdom, with whose dynasty they were linked by marriage. A separate Scythian territory, known as Scythia Minor, existed in modern-day Dobruja, but was of little significance. [4]

In the 2nd century BC, the Scythian kings Skilurus and Palakus sought to extend their control over the Greek cities north of the Black Sea. The Greek cities of Chersonesus and Olbia in turn requested the aid of Mithridates the Great, king of Pontus, whose general Diophantus defeated their armies in battle, took their capital and annexed their territory to the Bosporan Kingdom. [10] [41] [44] After this time, the Scythians practically disappeared from history. [44] Scythia Minor was also defeated by Mithridates. [4]

In the years after the death of Mithridates, the Scythians had transitioned to a settled way of life and were assimilating into neighboring populations. They made a resurgence in the 1st century AD and laid siege to Chersonesos, who were obliged to seek help from the Roman Empire. The Scythians were in turn defeated by Roman commander Tiberius Plautius Silvanus Aelianus. [4] By the 2nd century AD, archaeological evidence show that the Scythians had been largely assimilated by the Sarmatians and Alans. [4] The capital city of the Scythians, Scythian Neapolis, was destroyed by migrating Goths in the mid-3rd century AD. In subsequent centuries, remaining Scythians and Sarmatians were largely assimilated by early Slavs. [19] [20] The Scythians and Sarmatians played an instrumental role in the ethnogenesis of the Ossetians, who are considered direct descendants of the Alans. [21]

Archaeological remains of the Scythians include kurgan tombs (ranging from simple exemplars to elaborate "Royal kurgans" containing the "Scythian triad" of weapons, horse-harness, and Scythian-style wild-animal art), gold, silk, and animal sacrifices, in places also with suspected human sacrifices. [45] Mummification techniques and permafrost have aided in the relative preservation of some remains. Scythian archaeology also examines the remains of cities and fortifications. [46] [47] [48]

Scythian archaeology can be divided into three stages: [4]

  • Early Scythian – from the mid-8th or the late 7th century BC to about 500 BC
  • Classical Scythian or Mid-Scythian – from about 500 BC to about 300 BC
  • Late Scythian – from about 200 BC to the mid-3rd century CE, in the Crimea and the Lower Dnieper, by which time the population was settled.

Early Scythian

In the south of Eastern Europe, Early Scythian culture replaced sites of the so-called Novocherkassk culture. The date of this transition is disputed among archaeologists. Dates ranging from the mid-8th century to the late 7th century BC have been proposed. A transition in the late 8th century BC has gained the most scholarly support. The origins of the Early Scythian culture is controversial. Many of its elements are of Central Asian origin, but the culture appears to have reached its ultimate form on the Pontic steppe, partially through the influence of North Caucasian elements and to a smaller extent the influence of Near Eastern elements. [4]

The period in the 8th and 7th centuries BC when the Cimmerians and Scythians raided the Near East are ascribed to the later stages of the Early Scythian culture. Examples of Early Scythian burials in the Near East include those of Norşuntepe and İmirler. Objects of Early Scythian type have been found in Urartian fortresses such as Teishebaini, Bastam and Ayanis-kale. Near Eastern influences are probably explained through objects made by Near Eastern craftsmen on behalf of Scythian chieftains. [4]

Early Scythian culture is known primarily from its funerary sites, because the Scythians at this time were nomads without permanent settlements. The most important sites are located in the northwestern parts of Scythian territories in the forest steppes of the Dnieper, and the southeastern parts of Scythian territories in the North Caucasus. At this time it was common for the Scythians to be buried in the edges of their territories. Early Scythian sites are characterized by similar artifacts with minor local variations. [4]

Kurgans from the Early Scythian culture have been discovered in the North Caucasus. Some if these are characterized by great wealth, and probably belonged royals of aristocrats. They contain not only the deceased, but also horses and even chariots. The burial rituals carried out in these kurgans correspond closely with those described by Herodotus. The greatest kurgans from the Early Scythian culture in the North Caucasus are found at Kelermesskaya, Novozavedennoe II (Ulsky Kurgans) and Kostromskaya. One kurgan at Ulsky was found measured at 15 metres in height and contained more than 400 horses. Kurgans from the 7th century BC, when the Scythians were raiding the Near East, typically contain objects of Near Eastern origin. Kurgans from the late 7th century BC, however, contain few Middle Eastern objects, but, rather, objects of Greek origin, pointing to increased contacts between the Scythians and Greek colonists. [4]

Important Early Scythian sites have also been found in the forest steppes of the Dnieper. The most important of these finds is the Melgunov Kurgan. This kurgan contains several objects of Near Eastern origin so similar to those found at the kurgan in Kelermesskaya that they were probably made in the same workshop. Most of the Early Scythian sites in this area are situated along the banks of the Dnieper and its tributaries. The funerary rites of these sites are similar but not identical to those of the kurgans in the North Caucasus. [4]

Important Early Scythian sites have also been discovered in the areas separating the North Caucasus and the forest steppes. These include the Krivorozhskiĭ kurgan on the eastern banks of the Donets, and the Temir-gora kurgan in the Crimea. Both date to the 7th century BC and contain Greek imports. The Krivorozhskiĭ also display Near Eastern influences. [4]

Apart from funerary sites, numerous settlements from the Early Scythian period have been discovered. Most of these settlements are located in the forest steppe zone and are non-fortified. The most important of these sites in the Dnieper area are Trakhtemirovo, Motroninskoe and Pastyrskoe. East of these, at the banks of the Vorskla River, a tributary of the Dnieper, lies the Bilsk settlement. Occupying an area of 4,400 hectares with an outer rampart at over 30 km, Bilsk is the largest settlement in the forest steppe zone. [4] It has been tentatively identified by a team of archaeologists led by Boris Shramko as the site of Gelonus, the purported capital of Scythia.

Another important large settlement can be found at Myriv. Dating from the 7th and 6th centuries BC, Myriv contains a significant amount of imported Greek objects, testifying to lively contacts with Borysthenes, the first Greek colony established on the Pontic steppe (ca. 625 BC). Within the ramparts in these settlements there were areas without buildings, which were probably occupied by nomadic Scythians seasonally visiting the sites. [4]

The Early Scythian culture came to an end in the latter part of the 6th century BC. [4]

Classical Scythian

By the end of the 6th century BC, a new period begins in the material culture of the Scythians. Certain scholars consider this a new stage in the Scythian culture, while others consider it an entirely new archaeological culture. It is possible that this new culture arose through the settlement of a new wave of nomads from the east, who intermingled with the local Scythians. The Classical Scythian period saw major changes in Scythian material culture, both with regards to weapons and art style. This was largely through Greek influence. Other elements had probably been brought from the east. [4]

Like in Early Scythian culture, the Classical Scythian culture is primarily represented through funerary sites. The area of distribution of these sites has, however, changed. Most of them, including the richest, are located on the Pontic steppe, in particular the area around the Dnieper Rapids. [4]

At the end of the 6th century BC, new funerary rites appeared, characterized by more complex kurgans. This new style was rapidly adopted throughout Scythian territory. Like before, elite burials usually contained horses. A buried king was usually accompanied with multiple people from his entourage. Burials containing both males and females are quite common both in elite burials and in the burials of the common people. [4]

The most important Scythian kurgans of the Classical Scythian culture in the 6th and 5th centuries BC are Ostraya Tomakovskaya Mogila, Zavadskaya Mogila 1, Novogrigor'evka 5, Baby and Raskopana Mogila in the Dnieper Rapids, and the Zolotoi and Kulakovskiĭ kurgans in the Crimea. [4]

The greatest, so-called "royal" kurgans of the Classical Scythian culture are dated to the 4th century BC. These include Solokha, Bol'shaya Cymbalka, Chertomlyk, Oguz, Alexandropol and Kozel. The second greatest, so-called "aristocratic" kurgans, include Berdyanskiĭ, Tovsta Mohyla, Chmyreva Mogila, Five Brothers 8, Melitopolsky, Zheltokamenka and Krasnokutskiĭ. [4]

Excavation at kurgan Sengileevskoe-2 found gold bowls with coatings indicating a strong opium beverage was used while cannabis was burning nearby. The gold bowls depicted scenes showing clothing and weapons. [49]

By the time of Classical Scythian culture, the North Caucasus appears to no longer be under Scythian control. Rich kurgans in the North Caucasus have been found at the Seven Brothers Hillfort, Elizavetovka and Ulyap, but although they contain elements of Scythian culture, these probably belonged to an unrelated local population. Rich kurgans of the forest steppe zone from the 5th and 4th centuries BC have been discovered at places such as Ryzhanovka, but these are not as grand as the kurgans of the steppe further south. [4]

Funerary sites with Scythian characteristics have also been discovered in several Greek cities. These include several unusually rich burials such as Kul-Oba (near Panticapaeum in the Crimea) and the necropolis of Nymphaion. The sites probably represent Scythian aristocrats who had close ties, if not family ties, with the elite of Nymphaion and aristocrats, perhaps even royals, of the Bosporan Kingdom. [4]

In total, more than 3,000 Scythian funerary sites from the 4th century BC have been discovered on the Pontic steppe. This number far exceeds the number of all funerary sites from previous centuries. [4]

Apart from funerary sites, remains of Scythian cities from this period have been discovered. These include both continuations from the Early Scythian period and newly founded settlements. The most important of these is the settlement of Kamenskoe on the Dniepr, which existed from the 5th century to the beginning of the 3rd century BC. It was a fortified settlement occupying an area of 12 square km. The chief occupation of its inhabitants appears to have been metalworking, and the city was probably an important supplier of metalwork for the nomadic Scythians. Part of the population was probably composed of agriculturalists. It is likely that Kamenskoe also served as a political center in Scythia. A significant part of Kamenskoe was not built up, perhaps to set it aside for the Scythian king and his entourage during their seasonal visits to the city. [4] János Harmatta suggests that Kamenskoe served as a residence for the Scythian king Ateas. [10]

By the 4th century BC, it appears that some of the Scythians were adopting an agricultural way of life similar to the peoples of the forest steppes. As a result, a number of fortified and non-fortified settlements spring up in the areas of the lower Dnieper. Part of the settled inhabitants of Olbia were also of Scythian origin. [4]

Classical Scythian culture lasts until the late 4th century or early 3rd century BC. [4]

Late Scythian

The last period in the Scythian archaeological culture is the Late Scythian culture, which existed in the Crimea and the Lower Dnieper from the 3rd century BC. This area was at the time mostly settled by Scythians. [4]

Archaeologically the Late Scythian culture has little in common with its predecessors. It represents a fusion of Scythian traditions with those of the Greek colonists and the Tauri, who inhabited the mountains of the Crimea. The population of the Late Scythian culture was mainly settled, and were engaged in stockbreeding and agriculture. They were also important traders, serving as intermediaries between the classical world and the barbarian world. [4]

Recent excavations at Ak-Kaya/Vishennoe implies that this site was the political center of the Scythians in the 3rd century BC and the early part of the 2nd century BC. It was a well-protected fortress constructed in accordance with Greek principles. [4]

The most important site of the Late Crimean culture is Scythian Neaoplis, which was located in Crimea and served as the capital of the Late Scythian kingdom from the early 2nd century BC to the beginning of the 3rd century AD. Scythian Neapolis was largely constructed in accordance with Greek principles. Its royal palace was destroyed by Diophantus, a general of the Pontic king Mithridates VI, at the end of the 2nd century BC, and was not rebuilt. The city nevertheless continued to exist as a major urban center. It underwent significant change from the 1st century to the 2nd century AD, eventually being left with virtually no buildings except from its fortifications. New funerary rites and material features also appear. It is probable that these changes represent the assimilation of the Scythians by the Sarmatians. A certain continuity is, however, observable. From the end of the 2nd century to the middle of the 3rd century AD, Scythian Neapolis transforms into a non-fortified settlement containing only a few buildings. [4]

Apart from Scythian Neapolis and Ak-Kaya/Vishennoe, more than 100 fortified and non-fortified settlements from the Late Scythian culture have been discovered. They are often accompanied by a necropolis. Late Scythian sites are mostly found in areas around the foothills of the Crimean mountains and along the western coast of the Crimea. Some of these settlements had earlier been Greek settlements, such as Kalos Limen and Kerkinitis. Many of these coastal settlements served as trading ports. [4]

The largest Scythian settlements after Neapolis and Ak-Kaya-Vishennoe were Bulganak, Ust-Alma and Kermen-Kyr. Like Neapolis and Ak-Kaya, these are characterized by a combination of Greek architectural principles and local ones. [4]

A unique group of Late Scythian settlements were city-states located on the banks of the Lower Dnieper. The material culture of these settlements was even more Hellenized than those on the Crimea, and they were probably closely connected to Olbia, if not dependent it. [4]

Burials of the Late Scythian culture can be divided into two kurgans and necropolises, with necropolises becoming more and more common as time progresses. The largest such necropolis has been found at Ust-Alma. [4]

Because of close similarities between the material culture of the Late Scythians and that of neighbouring Greek cities, many scholars have suggested that Late Scythian cites, particularly those of the Lower Dnieper, were populated at last partly by Greeks. Influences of Sarmatian elements and the La Tène culture have been pointed out. [4]

The Late Scythian culture ends in the 3rd century AD. [4]

Since the Scythians did not have a written language, their non-material culture can only be pieced together through writings by non-Scythian authors, parallels found among other Iranian peoples, and archaeological evidence. [4]

Tribal divisions

Scythians lived in confederated tribes, a political form of voluntary association which regulated pastures and organised a common defence against encroaching neighbours for the pastoral tribes of mostly equestrian herdsmen. While the productivity of domesticated animal-breeding greatly exceeded that of the settled agricultural societies, the pastoral economy also needed supplemental agricultural produce, and stable nomadic confederations developed either symbiotic or forced alliances with sedentary peoples—in exchange for animal produce and military protection.

Herodotus relates that three main tribes of the Scythians descended from three sons of Targitaus: Lipoxais, Arpoxais, and Colaxais. They called themselves Scoloti, after one of their kings. [50] Herodotus writes that the Auchatae tribe descended from Lipoxais, the Catiari and Traspians from Arpoxais, and the Paralatae (Royal Scythians) from Colaxais, who was the youngest brother. [51] According to Herodotus the Royal Scythians were the largest and most powerful Scythian tribe, and looked "upon all the other tribes in the light of slaves." [52]

Although scholars have traditionally treated the three tribes as geographically distinct, Georges Dumézil interpreted the divine gifts as the symbols of social occupations, illustrating his trifunctional vision of early Indo-European societies: the plough and yoke symbolised the farmers, the axe—the warriors, the bowl—the priests. The first scholar to compare the three strata of Scythian society to the Indian castes was Arthur Christensen. According to Dumézil, "the fruitless attempts of Arpoxais and Lipoxais, in contrast to the success of Colaxais, may explain why the highest strata was not that of farmers or magicians, but, rather, that of warriors." [53]

Warfare

The Scythians were a warlike people. When engaged at war, almost the entire adult population, including a large number of women, participated in battle. [55] The Athenian historian Thucydides noted that no people in either Europe or Asia could resist the Scythians without outside aid. [55]

Scythians were particularly known for their equestrian skills, and their early use of composite bows shot from horseback. With great mobility, the Scythians could absorb the attacks of more cumbersome footsoldiers and cavalry, just retreating into the steppes. Such tactics wore down their enemies, making them easier to defeat. The Scythians were notoriously aggressive warriors. Ruled by small numbers of closely allied elites, Scythians had a reputation for their archers, and many gained employment as mercenaries. Scythian elites had kurgan tombs: high barrows heaped over chamber-tombs of larch wood, a deciduous conifer that may have had special significance as a tree of life-renewal, for it stands bare in winter. [ citation needed ]

The Ziwiye hoard, a treasure of gold and silver metalwork and ivory found near the town of Sakiz south of Lake Urmia and dated to between 680 and 625 BC, includes objects with Scythian "animal style" features. One silver dish from this find bears some inscriptions, as yet undeciphered and so possibly representing a form of Scythian writing. [ citation needed ]

Scythians also had a reputation for the use of barbed and poisoned arrows of several types, for a nomadic life centred on horses—"fed from horse-blood" according to Herodotus—and for skill in guerrilla warfare. [ citation needed ]

Some Scythian-Sarmatian cultures may have given rise to Greek stories of Amazons. Graves of armed females have been found in southern Ukraine and Russia. David Anthony notes, "About 20% of Scythian-Sarmatian 'warrior graves' on the lower Don and lower Volga contained females dressed for battle as if they were men, a style that may have inspired the Greek tales about the Amazons." [56]

Metallurgy

Though a predominantly nomadic people for much of their history, the Scythians were skilled metalworkers. Knowledge of bronze working was present when the Scythian people formed, by the 8th century BC Scythian mercenaries fighting in the Near East had begun to spread knowledge of iron working to their homeland. Archeological sites attributed to the Scythians have been found to contain the remnants of workshops, slag piles, and discarded tools, all of which imply some Scythian settlements were the site of organized industry. [57] [58]

Clothing

According to Herodotus, Scythian costume consisted of padded and quilted leather trousers tucked into boots, and open tunics. They rode without stirrups or saddles, using only saddle-cloths. Herodotus reports that Scythians used cannabis, both to weave their clothing and to cleanse themselves in its smoke (Hist. 4.73–75) archaeology has confirmed the use of cannabis in funerary rituals. Men seemed to have worn a variety of soft headgear—either conical like the one described by Herodotus, or rounder, more like a Phrygian cap.

Costume has been regarded as one of the main identifying criteria for Scythians. Women wore a variety of different headdresses, some conical in shape others more like flattened cylinders, also adorned with metal (golden) plaques. [59]

Scythian women wore long, loose robes, ornamented with metal plaques (gold). Women wore shawls, often richly decorated with metal (golden) plaques.

Based on numerous archeological findings in Ukraine, southern Russia, and Kazakhstan, men and warrior women wore long sleeve tunics that were always belted, often with richly ornamented belts.

Men and women wore long trousers, often adorned with metal plaques and often embroidered or adorned with felt appliqués trousers could have been wider or tight fitting depending on the area. Materials used depended on the wealth, climate and necessity. [60]

Men and women warriors wore variations of long and shorter boots, wool-leather-felt gaiter-boots and moccasin-like shoes. They were either of a laced or simple slip on type. Women wore also soft shoes with metal (gold) plaques.

Men and women wore belts. Warrior belts were made of leather, often with gold or other metal adornments and had many attached leather thongs for fastening of the owner's gorytos, sword, whet stone, whip etc. Belts were fastened with metal or horn belt-hooks, leather thongs and metal (often golden) or horn belt-plates. [61]

Religion

Scythian religion was a type of Pre-Zoroastrian Iranian religion and differed from the post-Zoroastrian Iranian thoughts. [10] The Scythian belief was a more archaic stage than the Zoroastrian and Hindu systems. The use of cannabis to induce trance and divination by soothsayers was a characteristic of the Scythian belief system. [10]

Our most important literary source on Scythian religion is Herodotus. According to him the leading deity in the Scythian pantheon was Tabiti, whom he compared to the Greek god Hestia. [4] Tabiti was eventually replaced by Atar, the fire-pantheon of Iranian tribes, and Agni, the fire deity of Indo-Aryans. [10] Other deities mentioned by Herodotus include Papaios, Api, Goitosyros/Oitosyros, Argimpasa and Thagimasadas, whom he identified with Zeus, Gaia, Apollo, Aphrodite and Poseidon, respectively. The Scythians are also said by Herodotus to have worshipped equivalents of Heracles and Ares, but he does not mention their Scythian names. [4] An additional Scythian deity, the goddess Dithagoia, is mentioned in the a dedication by Senamotis, daughter of King Skiluros, at Panticapaeum. Most of the names of Scythian deities can be traced back to Iranian roots. [4]

Herodotus states that Thagimasadas was worshipped by the Royal Scythians only, while the remaining deities were worshipped by all. He also states that "Ares", the god of war, was the only god to whom the Scythians dedicated statues, altars or temples. Tumuli were erected to him in every Scythian district, and both animal sacrifices and human sacrifices were performed in honor of him. At least one shrine to "Ares" has been discovered by archaeologists. [4]

The Scythians had professional priests, but it is not known if they constituted a hereditary class. Among the priests there was a separate group, the Enarei, who worshipped the goddess Argimpasa and assumed feminine identities. [4]

Scythian mythology gave much importance to myth of the "First Man", who was considered the ancestor of them and their kings. Similar myths are common among other Iranian peoples. Considerable importance was given to the division of Scythian society into three hereditary classes, which consisted of warriors, priests and producers. Kings were considered part of the warrior class. Royal power was considered holy and of solar and heavenly origin. [10] The Iranian principle of royal charisma, known as khvarenah in the Avesta, played a prominent role in Scythian society. It is probable that the Scythians had a number of epic legends, which were possibly the source for Herodotus' writings on them. [4] Traces of these epics can be found in the epics of the Ossetians of the present day. [10]

In Scythian cosmology the world was divided into three parts, with the warriors, considered part of the upper world, the priests of the middle level, and the producers of the lower one. [4]

The art of the Scythians and related peoples of the Scythian cultures is known as Scythian art. It is particularly characterized by its use of the animal style. [4]

Scythian animal style appears in an already established form Eastern Europe in the 8th century BC along with the Early Scythian archaeological culture itself. It bears little resemblance to the art of pre-Scythian cultures of the area. Some scholars suggest the art style developed under Near Eastern influence during the military campaigns of the 7th century BC, but the more common theory is that it developed on the eastern part of the Eurasian Steppe under Chinese influence. Others have sought to reconcile the two theories, suggesting that the animal style of the west and eastern parts of the steppe developed independently of each other, under Near Eastern and Chinese influences, respectively. Regardless, the animal style art of the Scythians differs considerable from that of peoples living further east. [4]

Scythian animal style works are typically divided into birds, ungulates and beasts of prey. This probably reflects the tripatriate division of the Scythian cosmos, with birds belonging to the upper level, ungulates to the middle level and beasts of prey in the lower level. [4]

Images of mythological creatures such a griffins are not uncommon in Scythian animal style, but these are probably the result of Near Eastern influences. By the late 6th century BC, as Scythian activity in the Near East was reduced, depictions of mythological creatures largely disappears from Scythian art. It, however, reappears again in the 4th century BC as a result of Greek influence. [4]

Anthropomorphic depictions in Early Scythian art is known only from kurgan stelae. These depict warriors with almond-shaped eyes and mustaches, often including weapons and other military equipment. [4]

Since the 5th century BC, Scythian art changed considerably. This was probably a result of Greek and Persian influence, and possibly also internal developments caused by an arrival of a new nomadic people from the east. The changes are notable in the more realistic depictions of animals, who are now often depicted fighting each other rather than being depicted individually. Kurgan stelae of the time also display traces of Greek influences, with warriors being depicted with rounder eyes and full beards. [4]

The 4th century BC show additional Greek influence. While animal style was still in use, it appears that much Scythian art by this point was being made by Greek craftsmen on behalf of Scythians. Such objects are frequently found in royal Scythian burials of the period. Depictions of human beings become more prevalent. Many objects of Scythian art made by Greeks are probably illustrations of Scythian legends. Several objects are believed to have been of religious significance. [4]

By the late 3rd century BC, original Scythian art disappears through ongoing Hellenization. The creation of anthropomorphic gravestones continued, however. [4]

Works of Scythian art are held at many museums and has been featured at many exhibitions. The largest collections of Scythian art are found at the Hermitage Museum in Saint Petersburg and the Museum of Historical Treasures of the Ukraine in Kyiv, while smaller collections are found at the Staatliche Antikensammlungen in Berlin, the Ashmolean Museum of Oxford, and the Louvre of Paris. [4]

The Scythians spoke a language belonging to the Scythian languages, most probably [62] a branch of the Eastern Iranian languages. [9] Whether all the peoples included in the "Scytho-Siberian" archaeological culture spoke languages from this family is uncertain.

The Scythian languages may have formed a dialect continuum: "Scytho-Sarmatian" in the west and "Scytho-Khotanese" or Saka in the east. [63] The Scythian languages were mostly marginalised and assimilated as a consequence of the late antiquity and early Middle Ages Slavic and Turkic expansion. The western (Sarmatian) group of ancient Scythian survived as the medieval language of the Alans and eventually gave rise to the modern Ossetian language. [64]

Physical and genetic analyses of ancient remains have concluded that Scythians as a whole possessed predominantly features of Europoids. Mongoloid phenotypes were also present in some Scythians but more frequently in eastern Scythians, suggesting that some Scythians were also descended partly from East Eurasian populations. [65]

In artworks, the Scythians are portrayed exhibiting Caucasoid traits. [66] In Histories, the 5th-century BC Greek historian Herodotus describes the Budini of Scythia as red-haired and grey-eyed. [66] In the 5th century BC, Greek physician Hippocrates argued that the Scythians were light skinned [66] [67] as well as having a particularly high rate of hypermobility, to a point of affecting warfare. [68] In the 3rd century BC, the Greek poet Callimachus described the Arismapes (Arimaspi) of Scythia as fair-haired. [66] [69] The 2nd-century BC Han Chinese envoy Zhang Qian described the Sai (Saka), an eastern people closely related to the Scythians, as having yellow (probably meaning hazel or green) and blue eyes. [66] In Natural History, the 1st-century AD Roman author Pliny the Elder characterises the Seres, sometimes identified as Saka or Tocharians, as red-haired, blue-eyed and unusually tall. [66] [70] In the late 2nd century AD, the Christian theologian Clement of Alexandria says that the Scythians and the Celts have long auburn hair. [66] [71] The 2nd-century Greek philosopher Polemon includes the Scythians among the northern peoples characterised by red hair and blue-grey eyes. [66] In the late 2nd or early 3rd century AD, the Greek physician Galen writes that Scythians, Sarmatians, Illyrians, Germanic peoples and other northern peoples have reddish hair. [66] [72] The fourth-century Roman historian Ammianus Marcellinus wrote that the Alans, a people closely related to the Scythians, were tall, blond and light-eyed. [73] The fourth-century bishop Gregory of Nyssa wrote that the Scythians were fair skinned and blond haired. [74] The 5th-century physician Adamantius, who often followed Polemon, describes the Scythians as fair-haired. [66] [75]

In 2017, a genetic study of various Scythian cultures, including the Scythians, was published in Nature Communications. The study suggested that the Scythians arose independently of culturally similar groups further east. Though all groups studies shared a common origin in the Yamnaya culture, the presence of east Eurasian mitochondrial lineages was largely absent among Scythians, but present among other groups further east. Modern populations most closely related to the Scythians were found to be populations living in proximity to the sites studied, suggesting genetic continuity. [5]

Another 2017 genetic study, published in Scientific Reports, found that the Scythians shared common mithocondrial lineages with the earlier Srubnaya culture. It also noted that the Scythians differed from materially similar groups further east by the absence of east Eurasian mitochondrial lineages. The authors of the study suggested that the Srubnaya culture was the source of the Scythian cultures of at least the Pontic steppe. [38]

Krzewińska et al. (2018) found that members of the Srubnaya culture exclusively carried Y-haplogroup haplogroup R1a1a1 (R1a-M417), which showed a major expansion during the Bronze Age. In contrast, six male Scythian samples from kurgans at Starosillya and Glinoe carried Y-haplogroup haplogroup R1b1a1a2 (R1b-M269). Further, the Scythians were found to be closely related to the Afanasievo culture and the Andronovo culture. The authors of the study suggested that the Scythians were not directly descended from the Srubnaya culture, but that they and the Srubnaya shared a common origin through the earlier Yamnaya culture. Significant genetic differences were found between the Scythians and materially similar groups further east, which underpinned the notion that although materially similar, the Scythians and groups further east should be seen as separate peoples belonging to a common cultural horizon, which perhaps had its source on the eastern Pontic-Caspian steppe and the southern Urals. [39]

In 2019, a genetic study of remains from the Aldy-Bel culture of southern Siberia, which is materially similar to that of the Scythians, was published in Human Genetics. The majority of Aldy-Bel samples were found to be carriers of haplogroup R1a, including two carriers of haplogroup R1a1a1b2 (R1a-Z93). East Asian admixture was also detected. The results indicated that the Scythians and the Aldy-Bel people were of completely different paternal origins, with almost no paternal gene flow between them. [76]

Järve et al. (2019) found that the Scythians carried Y-haplogroup R1a and various subclades of it. They suggested that migrations must have played a role in the emergence of the Scythians as the dominant power on the Pontic steppe. [40]

Late Antiquity

In Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, the name "Scythians" was used in Greco-Roman literature for various groups of nomadic "barbarians" living on the Pontic-Caspian steppe. This includes Huns, Goths, Ostrogoths, Türks, Pannonian Avars and Khazars. None of these peoples had any relation whatsoever with the actual Scythians. [24]

Byzantine sources also refer to the Rus' raiders who attacked Constantinople circa 860 in contemporary accounts as "Tauroscythians", because of their geographical origin, and despite their lack of any ethnic relation to Scythians. Patriarch Photius may have first applied the term to them during the siege of Constantinople. [ citation needed ]

Early Modern usage

Owing to their reputation as established by Greek historians, the Scythians long served as the epitome of savagery and barbarism. [ citation needed ]

The New Testament includes a single reference to Scythians in Colossians 3:11: [77] in a letter ascribed to Paul, "Scythian" is used as an example of people whom some label pejoratively, but who are, in Christ, acceptable to God:

Here there is no Greek or Jew. There is no difference between those who are circumcised and those who are not. There is no rude outsider, or even a Scythian. There is no slave or free person. But Christ is everything. And he is in everything. [77]

Shakespeare, for instance, alluded to the legend that Scythians ate their children in his play King Lear:

The barbarous Scythian

Or he that makes his generation messes
To gorge his appetite, shall to my bosom
Be as well neighbour'd, pitied, and relieved,

As thou my sometime daughter. [78]

Characteristically, early modern English discourse on Ireland, such as that of William Camden and Edmund Spenser, frequently resorted to comparisons with Scythians in order to confirm that the indigenous population of Ireland descended from these ancient "bogeymen", and showed themselves as barbaric as their alleged ancestors. [79] [80]

Descent claims

Some legends of the Poles, [82] the Picts, the Gaels, the Hungarians, among others, also include mention of Scythian origins. Some writers claim that Scythians figured in the formation of the empire of the Medes and likewise of Caucasian Albania. [ citation needed ]

The Scythians also feature in some national origin-legends of the Celts. In the second paragraph of the 1320 Declaration of Arbroath, the élite of Scotland claim Scythia as a former homeland of the Scots. According to the 11th-century Lebor Gabála Érenn (The Book of the Taking of Ireland), the 14th-century Auraicept na n-Éces and other Irish folklore, the Irish originated in Scythia and were descendants of Fénius Farsaid, a Scythian prince who created the Ogham alphabet. [ citation needed ]

The Carolingian kings of the Franks traced Merovingian ancestry to the Germanic tribe of the Sicambri. Gregory of Tours documents in his History of the Franks that when Clovis was baptised, he was referred to as a Sicamber with the words "Mitis depone colla, Sicamber, adora quod incendisti, incendi quod adorasti." The Chronicle of Fredegar in turn reveals that the Franks believed the Sicambri to be a tribe of Scythian or Cimmerian descent, who had changed their name to Franks in honour of their chieftain Franco in 11 BC. [ citation needed ]

In the 17th and 18th centuries, foreigners regarded the Russians as descendants of Scythians. It became conventional to refer to Russians as Scythians in 18th-century poetry, and Alexander Blok drew on this tradition sarcastically in his last major poem, The Scythians (1920). In the 19th century, romantic revisionists in the West transformed the "barbarian" Scyths of literature into the wild and free, hardy and democratic ancestors of all blond Indo-Europeans. [ citation needed ]

Based on such accounts of Scythian founders of certain Germanic as well as Celtic tribes, British historiography in the British Empire period such as Sharon Turner in his History of the Anglo-Saxons, made them the ancestors of the Anglo-Saxons. [ citation needed ]

The idea was taken up in the British Israelism of John Wilson, who adopted and promoted the idea that the "European Race, in particular the Anglo-Saxons, were descended from certain Scythian tribes, and these Scythian tribes (as many had previously stated from the Middle Ages onward) were in turn descended from the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel." [83] Tudor Parfitt, author of The Lost Tribes of Israel and Professor of Modern Jewish Studies, points out that the proof cited by adherents of British Israelism is "of a feeble composition even by the low standards of the genre." [84]

Legends about the origin of the population from the Scythian ancestor Targitai – son of Borisfen's daughter (that was the name of the Dnipro river in antiquity) – are popular in Ukraine. In Ukraine, which territory Herodotus described in his work on the Scythians, there are discussions about how serious the influence of the Scythians was on the ethnogenesis of Ukrainians. [85] Currently, there are studies that indicate the relationship of Slavic tribes living in Ukraine with the Scythian plowmen (plough man) and farmers who belonged to the Proto-Slavic Chernoles or Black Forest culture. [86] [87] The description of Scythia by Herodotus is also called the oldest description of Ukraine. [88] Despite the absolute dissimilarity of modern Ukrainian and hypothetical Scythian languages, researchers claim it still left some marks, [89] such as the fricative pronunciation of the letter "г", the specific alternation, etc. [90]

Herodotus and other classical historians listed quite a number of tribes who lived near the Scythians, and presumably shared the same general milieu and nomadic steppe culture, often called "Scythian culture", even though scholars may have difficulties in determining their exact relationship to the "linguistic Scythians". A partial list of these tribes includes the Agathyrsi, Geloni, Budini, and Neuri.


Amphora with Warrior and Dog - History

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Detail: Funeral Pyre, Lamentation, Chariot Procession and and Games.
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Detail of Funeral Pyre.
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Detail of Dead Man lying on Bier.
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Detail of Mourners etc.
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Proto-Attic ' Lions' Krater 700-675BC.
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Detail: Horses, Men and Chariots, from Proto-Attic ' Lions' Krater 700-675BC.
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Protoattic Loutrophorus: Procession of dancers chariots and sphinxca. Analatos Painter. ht:80cm 700-680 BC. LP.
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Protoattic Amphora: ht:80cm 700-680 BC. BM.
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Protoattic Amphora: ht:80cm 700-680 BC. BM.
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East Greek Pithos(storage jar). Probably made in Rhodes ca. 700-650BC. From Camirus Rhodes BM.
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Detail: East Greek Pithos(storage jar)
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Rhodian Amphora decorated in the Ficellora style 6th century BC.
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Rhodian Amphora decorated with a partridge. Fikellura style Camirus Rhodes ca.540BC BM.

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A Jug from Aegina Cycladic Islands First half of 7th century BC ht.16in. BM
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A Stemmed plate East Greek from Camirus Rhodes, ca. 625-600BC. BM
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Detail: birds and patterns.
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Detail of duck preening its feathers.
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Proto-Corinthian a small bottle for pefumed oil ca.640 ht 6.8cm BM
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Detail: Lion's head as spout of Proto-Corinthian small bottle for pefumed oil ca.640 ht 6.8cm BM
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Detail of decoration towards the bottom of Proto-Corinthian a small bottle for perfumed oil ca.640 ht 6.8cm BM
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Detail of decoration of centre part of Proto-Corinthian a small bottle for pefumed oil ca.640 ht 6.8cm BM
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Proto-Corinthian, an amphora ca.600-570BC BM
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Corinthian cup last quarter of the 7th century BC ht.3.5in.
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Pyxis(cosmetic box)with friezes of animals including lions, panthers and bulls. Middle Corinthian ca.600-575BC. BM
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Corithian Amphora with lid 625-575 BC. Old Corinth Mus.
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Oil or perfume flask - Alabastron. ca.600-575BC. BM
A tiny perfume flask, just a few inches high, decorated in the typical orientalizing style.
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Detail:Figure painting
This detail of painting from the little perfume flask shows the considerable detail added to the painting in black and purple iron by fine scratched lines through to the lighter body.
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A detail from another perfume flask - showing a double bodied monster. ca.600-575BC. BM This detail shows the body and slip textures.
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More detail of Corinthian oil or perfume flask - Alabastron. showing painting. ca.600-575BC. BM
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ProtoAttic Amphora(Athenian Jar): Grave at Eleusis(Attica). Blinding of the Giant Polyphemus by Odysseus and his companions. ht:1.42M CA. 670BC.
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detail Polyphemus
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Athenian Jar:Grave in Attica end 7th c.BC. Herakles and Nessos Gorgons.
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Detail Herakles and Nessos
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Early Attic Black-figure Olpe,painted in black,purple and white on orange clay, Medusan Gorgon. From Nola. ca. 600-575BC BM
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Early Attic Black-figure Olpe,painted in black,purple and white on orange clay, Detail: Head of Medusan Gorgon From Nola. ca. 600-575BC BM
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Detail of painting showing confident brush strokes and scratched outlines.
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Detail of painting showing confident brush strokes and scratched outlines.
Tutorial No.6. - Image 034 Athenian Jar from late 6th.c BC. by Exekias ht:31.5in.
This scene shows the heavenly twins or dioscuri, Castor, Pollux with their dog. They are returning from an exploit of some kind. Signed by Exekias the painter ca.540-530BC
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Detail of the dog greeting on of his masters.
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The other side of the Athenian Jar above from late 6th.c BC. by Exekias (The dioscuri). Here the scene is Achilles and Ajax playing dice.
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A Closer detail of Achilles and Ajax
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The head of of Achilles
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Attic black figured Kylix 6th c. BC.

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Inside bowl decoration of Attic black figured Kylix 6th c. BC.

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Detail of centre.

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Attic Black-Figure: Portico with fountain heads and women fetching water. ca.520-500BC ht 22.5in.
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Closer detail showing scratched lines and use of white slip paint.
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A small mass-produced black figure oil flask(Lekythos)used at funerals. The top has been broken off.
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A small mass-produced black figure oil flask(Lekythos)used at funerals. Underneath the foot is the small hole produced by turning on a horizontal lathe.
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A small mass-produced black figure oil flask(Lekythos)used at funerals. The top has been broken off.
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A small mass-produced black figure oil flask(Lekythos)used at funerals. The top has been broken off.
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Detail of painting showing confident brush strokes and scratched outlines.
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Black figured amphora(jar) with dionysos and two satyrs. Made in Athens about 520-500BC. Attributed to the painter Psiax and signed on the rim by Andokides as the potter. BM.
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Black figured amphora(jar) with dionysos and two satyrs. Dionysos,god of wine, holds a drinking horn in one hand and a vine branch in the other.
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Black figured amphora(jar). Detail of dionysos .
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Red-figure Attic cup or Kylix by the Painter Epiktetos. The scenes include Theseus slaying the Minotaur, ca.520BC Diam 11.6in.
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Andokides Painter. From an red-figure amphora:Herakles and the two-headed dog Cerberus. ht:58.6cm. ca.510BC
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Attic red figure amphora c.500-480 BC. Fr. Nola - warrior by 'Berlin' painter
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Detail warrior showing front view (foreshortened) foot.
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Attic red-figure Bell Krater.ht:33cm. Ganymede by the Berlin Painter. ca.490-480BC LP
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Athenian red figure cup by Brygos 500-475 BC. The conflict depicted on the outside of this drinking cup is the Sack of Troy.
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Detail of Figure Drawings
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Maenad, from an amphora painted by the Kleophrades Painter, ht:56cm.ca.500-490BC
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Kleophrates Painter. Detail of Dionysos on a red-figured amphora.ht:56cm. ca.500-490BC
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Athenian vase late red figure ware Achilles slaying the Amazon Pentesilea. ca.460-50 BC MN Naples
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Figure detail 0f Achilles from an Attic red-figure amphora ht:60cm. By the Achilles Painter ca.450BC.
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Calyx Krater - figures on white slip
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High stemmed Kylix - black silhouettes on white slip
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A Museum Case of Funeral Lekythoi: figure painting on a white ground.
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Lekythos painted by the Achilles Painter, ca.450-440BC.
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Lekythos painting detail: A Muse, or Goddess, playing a lyre, painted by the Achilles Painter, ca.450-440BC.
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My reconstruction of whole painting on Lekythos: the dead women looking towards herself as a muse in the Afterlife.Painted by the Achilles Painter, ca.450-440BC.
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Athenian Lekythos or funeral oil flask, late 5th century BC. Painting - Young man seated outside his tomb. NAM NAM
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Detail: Man outside his tomb. NAM
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Detail: Head of Man outside his tomb. NAM
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A late 5th century BC. Attic Krater, a scene showing the preparations for a theatrical performance.
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Detail of a painting in a florid style from a hydria made ca.410BC.
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Late Attic black-figure amphora ca.400BC ht:67cm. BM.

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Pelike, a jar for oil or wine. Attic red-figure ca.350BC Peleus seizing Thetis for his bride. ht:42.5cm. BM.
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Faliscan Volute-Krater. Aurora Painter. Thetis struggling to free herself from Peleus who wants her for his bride. ht:59.2cm. ca.340BC. RVG
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Apulian calyx-krater. Maenad and Satyr. ht:53cm. Mid 4th century BC Lipari.
Tutorial No.6. - Image 101

Pottery Shapes 1.
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Pottery Shapes 2.
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Pottery Shapes 3.
Tutorial No.6. - Image 104

Pottery Shapes 4.
Tutorial No.6. - Image 105

Pottery Shapes 5.
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Pottery Shapes 6.
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Pottery Shapes 7.
Tutorial No.6. - Image 108

Pottery Shapes 8.
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Pottery Shapes 9.
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Pottery Shapes 10.
Tutorial No.6. - Image 111
Pottery Shapes 11.
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Pottery Shapes 12.
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Pottery Shapes 13.
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Pottery Shapes 14.
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Pottery Shapes 15.
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Pottery Shapes 16.
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Pottery Shapes 17.
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Pottery Shapes 18.
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Pottery Shapes 19.
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Pottery Shapes 20.
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Pottery Shapes 21.
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Pottery Shapes 22.
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An oil or perfume flask in the form of a kneeling boy binding a victory ribbon around his head. ca.540-530BC ht:10in. AMA
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Terracotta sculpture Zeus and Ganymede 3/4 lifesize 500-475 BC. AMO
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Detail: Head of Zeus 3/4 lifesize 500-475 BC. AMO
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A terracotta head of the Goddess Athena ca.490BC AMO
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Terracotta theatrical face mask 3rd century BC. Agora Mus Athens.
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Terracotta statue of a young woman, bearing vivid traces of its original paint. From Tanagra. ht:24cm. End of the 4th century BC. BSM
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Tanagra type Terracotta figurine of two women. Myrina 2nd century BC. BM

This is the last illustration.
I hope you have found tutorial No.6 interesting and perhaps useful.
Tutorial No.7 is about more european ceramics before the Romans and includes the ceramics of the Etruscans.


Amphora with Warrior and Dog - History

Samael watched the forest as they were being led to their destination by this odd looking elf. The forest unsettled him, like he could feel evil and darkness all around him. Everything around them seemed to want them dead or in misery. Even he had trouble dealing with the thorns and insects that kept nagging about.

He kept Ennoia close as to keep her safe, his bow ever at the ready so they wouldn’t be caught off guard. The noises in the woods for foreign and often caught him by surprise or confused him. Ennoia shared her displeasure of this woods with him through their link.

He studied the flora and fauna as best he could as they traveled through the woods. For the most part he was trying to make sure nothing was attempting to kill them at the time. But, as a ranger, Samael was still very interested in the woods and trees. How did such things survive with this ominous presence. Were they creating the presence? Was it just his nerves from everything that had happened? Maybe this place wasn’t as evil as Samael thought it was.

He often prayed to the gods non-vocally asking them for safe travel and help in their journey to come. He was worried that their skills wouldn’t be enough. That the help from the gods would be necessary for them to survive. It had been so far and things were only getting harder for them.

He was also skeptical of this new person. She had said she was hunting the Gorgons that they had fought but maybe she was actually hunting them. And how could she live in such a place and still be sane? He felt like he was in an alien world that deserved respect but was never to be trusted.

Lost Letter

Sila peered into the branches of nearby trees as the group continued on their way, noticing a flash of pale wings among them. She whistled a few notes, and a large, battered barn owl silently flew up to her.

Sila wrapped her trailing sleeve around her arm a few times, and held it out for the bird to perch on. The owl looked at her with its dour, almost alien face, with only one eye remaining. The bird hadn’t been recently injured, she had always known it to have these scars, but seemed exhausted.

Sila had seen the owl several times before in her many months of travel—it was one of the birds her mate had raised to hunt with, as a falconer, and it had brought her letters from her mate several times in the past, both before and after she had met her traveling companions.

It had been a long time since Sila had heard from her mate, and her last two letters had gone without reply. Sila checked the owl’s legs, but no trace of its tethers nor any sign of a note remained. “Did you lose your letter, or did you never have one at all?” she asked the bird, gently stroking the feathers atop its head. While it was a well trained animal, it was just an ordinary bird. Of course it couldn’t reply that it had once been carrying a message on this flight—a hastily written note, several months old, explaining that her mate had left home and was searching for her—but Sila and her companions had traveled very far very quickly, thanks to divine providence, and the raptors just couldn’t keep up with supernatural speed (and massive versions of themselves).

All Sila could do at this point was give the bird a moment of rest on her arm before it flapped its wings and disappeared into the trees once more. She had more important things to worry about than herself and her beloved, after all. She began to pray silently as the group continued their journey toward the citadel.

Chapter 7: The Serpent Citadel, Part 1

Hielaa dismounted the mighty woodwrack dragon with the Serpent Amphora clutched in her arms. She exchanged a quick nod with the Blood Crone, leader of the Dar al Annot and handed over the small jar. “Take it,” she hissed, “and do what must be done! Let the Serpent Mother rise again!”

With a wicked smile, the Blood Crone stroked the amphora slowly, lovingly, as a grandmother coddles her devil child. “You’ve done well, storm hag. Now the ritual will begin. In one month’s time, Mormo will rise.”

“Nothing can stop us this time,” Hielaa cackled with glee.

Three weeks later, a filthy elf and her Hornsaw Unicorn led a dwarf, an elf, a Vigil Arcanist, a Keeper of the Eternal Flame, and a Mithril Knight to the footsteps of Annot Kalambath… the Serpent Citadel.

The Afterlife

The cacophony of the forest woke Samael from a deep sleep. He was startled at his surroundings and the noise. The woods? This was not where he had been. What had happened? Samael couldn’t figure out what was going on. With a quick roll he was on his feet. Nothing looked right in this place. The forest was extremely lush and ancient, Samael had never seen anything like this before.

The trees were overgrown and surrounded by vegetation. Animals were everywhere as if they didn’t even care that he was there, not a one even paid him any attention. The smells and the sounds of the woods were so foreign to Samael he felt like he was on a completely alien world. Everything looked so perfect and at the same time wasn’t right.

Samael tried to look as far out as he could but the distance was obscured by a hazy light. This place just wasn’t natural, but he felt so at ease. He wanted to stay here forever and just enjoy this feeling and explore this place, but he had a mission. He had friends that he had to help, and Ennoia was not here either! Samael pushed himself forward, starting at a walk but it turned into a run. No matter how hard he tried though he didn’t seem to come anywhere near the edge of the forest and he still couldn’t see the end.

The light just grew brighter the further he ran as if he were running into the rising sun. As he ran he thought he could hear little sounds, people talking maybe? He thought he heard voices ringing through, they were his friends, comrades. What was going on what had happened in that tomb that he was no longer there. The louder the voices became the weirder he felt, like he didn’t belong there anymore.

The last sound he heard before everything went black again was a booming ominous voice. “Go back, Your time has not come yet.” And then everything was gone, the light, the forest, everything went completely black and it felt like he was unconscious. The only thing he could hear or feel was his heartbeat, it had started again.

Chapter 6b: The Serpent and the Scepter, Part 2

In the ghost town of Vauldell, in the foothills of the Kelder Mountains, deep in Black Dragoon territory, a company of Dragoons and Calastian soldiers milled about in the mid-morning rain. The Archfiend Fiarun, with his red hair up in a warrior’s queue and his wide-flanged mace bouncing against his blackened full-plate, watched as his men searched the foothills. He knew this was an exercise in futility – the men had seen the great harrier birds rise above the mountains with many riders upon their backs.

“Damn the Urian elves,” Fiarun swore. “Damn Coreanites…” Really, Fiarun was angry with himself for getting too zealous when telling the story of Marilvaz, and telling the adventurers from Vesh about the town of Vauldell.

One of the Calastian soldiers approached the Archfiend. “Sir! The elf, albadian, dragon-cleric, sorcerer, and dwarf are gone. We found the remains of a scuffle in Marilvaz’s tomb and several of his tomes are missing.”

Fiarun’s cheeks turned as red as his hair. “Burn the village. Slaughter the elderly farmers who remain.”

“Oh, and corporal… when it’s over, submit yourself and your men to the Black Dragoons to be executed.”

Harrier sketch

Trying again, my phone was being glitchy for some reason.

Anyway, I decided to sketch the giant falcon my character met last session. I drew a Sila silhouette next to it because I imagined it wouldn’t be a very large bird indeed, to be able to carry two people.

Meditations Part 2

Samael sat on his bed, his legs crossed as he meditated. The day had been frustrating to say the least. It bothered him that they’d found so little in the dungeon and it’s traps were so intricate, this was going to be a much harder task than he thought. There were so many secret doors and surprises that they had to deal with. He reflected on his failures and how he could improve upon them. The hidden doors puzzled him, this place was not created by an elf it was obvious from what they had learned but the all the secret doors he’d found. Why were they there, wasn’t this supposed to be a tomb? This man must have been a very very paranoid man. And the traps, he must be hiding something very precious or just be utterly mad.

His mind wandered upon the tomb for a while until he got to the mirror that damn mirror that swallowed one of his new friends. Or at least Samael considered all of these people friends. Even the weird little dwarf that was constantly bothering his new companion. Boswell had been sucked into the magical trap that had contained another being. This one was NOT his friend, and was not to be trusted. She had joined the party and gone back to the cleric’s house, but something was beyond weird about her. He didn’t trust how quickly and willingly she joined their party. The girl didn’t know who they were, what they were up to, but joined them without hesitation. And to top it off, Ennoia didn’t like the woman. Ennoia stayed away from her, always kept herself between Samael and the new woman. She growled and grumbled whenever she made to move anywhere near him. It was a much more defensive action than she had to the dwarf that she didn’t like. It bothered Samael, it bothered him a lot. He contemplated waking someone else to keep watch on this girl but hopefully his meditation would be short enough that he could keep an eye on her as soon as he was done.

He had told Ennoia to lay at the end of his own bed to protect him while he meditated. Hopefully his fears were not warranted but something inside of him told him not to trust the girl. Only time would tell now though. He cleared his thoughts and went back to meditating and preparing himself for the days ahead. His ranger training would have to be enough to rely on in case anything were to happen.

Samael was becoming quite confident with his abilities. Even his latent magical abilities were starting to show themselves. He had learned the spells during his training and now he was finally able to use them. But which ones would help him the most. He only had the ability to use one of the many spells he knew each day.He would have to choose wisely each day to prepare the spell that would be most useful for the situation.

Ennoia’s well being was also in the forefront of his mind. She wasn’t a tool or a weapon to him. She was another companion to fight with the party. One that he wanted with him the rest of his life. Ennoia would be the first being that Samael ever trusted completely and he knew that she was sent to him thanks to his training and a gift from the gods and the earth mother titan that his people gave fealty to. Samael thanked them from the bottom of his heart and thanked their messengers that had helped them so far. The Taurosphinx and the Coreanic steeds. The gods were definitely looking well upon them for providing them with such help. It also impressed upon him how important this job was.


L. D. Caskey, J. D. Beazley, Attic Vase Paintings in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston

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62. 97.371 PHIALE Men entertained by women PLATE XXIX and FIGURE 39

From Athens said to have been found near Sunium. Ann. Rep. 1897, p. 27, no. 14. Beazley, V.A., p. 167, fig. 103. Hoppin, i, p. 83, no. 5. Beazley, Att. V., p. 386, no. 74.

On the omphalos, a winged Nike running to left carrying a sacrificial basket with three high handles and an oinochoe. She wears chiton and himation and a headband with white dots. Three twigs, done in white, rise from the handles of the basket.

The main picture represents three men entertained by courtesans — eight figures forming three groups. (1) A bearded man seated in a chair, his mantle wrapped about his legs, his right hand resting on a stick, his left hand grasping his right upper arm, is listening intently to the music furnished by a girl standing opposite him playing the flute. She has short hair, and wears a sleeveless chiton with overfold. Her mantle lies on a stool behind her. (2) A youth seated in a chair, his right hand holding a stick, his left arm resting on the back of the chair, turns his head towards a woman at his right with whom he is in conversation. His himation covers his left arm and his legs. His head is bound by a fillet with white dots. The woman, wearing a headband with white dots, a chiton and an himation covering her whole body including the arms, leans forward as she talks to him. At the left a woman stands in front view looking at the youth, holding an oinochoe in her right hand and in her left three phialae for the men to drink from. She wears a sakkos, a sleeved chiton and himation, and a necklace with a pendant. (3) A girl dancing, watched by a youth and a woman. She moves to the left with her head turned back and her hands raised, holding castanets. She wears a headband and a short chiton, fringed at the bottom, with black, dotted borders and brown horizontal stripes. The youth at her right leans on the stick and extends his right arm towards her. He is wrapped in an himation. Between them, the dancer's himation lies on a cushioned chair. The woman at the left, in sleeved chiton, himation, and headband with white dots, also stretches out her right hand towards the dancer, and, holds in her left a heavy staff, like a decapitated thyrsus. The lifelike bird standing on the ground behind the woman forms a fourth member of this group. Two chests, one of them with the lid raised, a cylindrical box with conical cover, and a pair of castanets effectively fill voids in the composition.

In form the phiale closely resembles those carried by girls on the Parthenon frieze. Examples in clay are fairly numerous (Beazley counts 62), but few have figure decoration. Three plain phialae signed by Nikosthenes are illustrated in Hoppin, Black-figured Vases: London B 368 , p. 208, no. 21 Paris, Cab. Méd. 334 , p. 218, no. 30 Würzburg 287 , p. 288, no. 69. Another, of Nikosthenic period, is decorated with black figures in two zones on a white ground. 1 A red-figured phiale decorated by the Telephos painter is in Berlin. 2 The use of a phiale as a drinking vessel is well illustrated on a Nolan amphora in Oxford. 3

The cylindrical box on the ground in front of the flute-player may be a γλωσσοκομεῖον , a receptacle for the mouthpieces of flutes. A 'decapitated thyrsus' is held by the dancing mistress on the lekythos by the same painter in Bowdoin College. 4 Dancing pictures interested him: in addition to the admirable lekythos just mentioned and its companion piece in Milan (Att. V., p. 385, no. 59) we have the London hydria E 185 ( London E 185 ibid. no. 39), on which the girls wear exactly the same costume as the dancer on our phiale, a Nolan amphora in Brussels (ibid. no. 8), and an oinochoe in the Louvre, Louvre G 574 (ibid., no. 72).

About 430 B.C. The Painter of the Boston phiale, to whom the following two works, no. 63 and no. 64 ( Boston 98.883 and Boston 01.16 ), are also to be assigned, 'must have been a pupil of the Achilles painter but he is not in the least a mere imitator: the tranquil style of his master is transformed by a strong personality into something extraordinarily winsome and vivacious'. 5 And, as the stamnos in Castle Goluchow shows 'the painter of all that is light and dainty was able, when the mood summoned him, to create forms of Parthenonian grandeur'. 6 7

Richter 1926b, p. 37, fig. 103 J. D. Beazley, AJA 37 (1933), pp. 400-401, figs. 1-2 ARV, p. 658, no. 108 (Phiale Painter) D. Feytmans, 1948, Les vases grecs de la Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique, Brussels, Editions de la Librairie encyclopédique, p. 69, note 1 Caskey & Beazley, II, p. 102, no. 62 Richter 1959, pp. 337-338, fig. 454 EAA, II, p. 148 (E. Paribeni) ARV2, p. 1023, no. 146 L. Ghali-Kahil, 1963, Neue Ausgrabungen in Griechenland, Olten, Urs Graf-Verlag, p. 21, under no. 43 Herbert 1964, pp. 71-72 Shell & McAndrew 1964, p. 64 Noble 1965, p. 22, fig. 141 Schefold 1967b, p. 112 Richter 1970c, p. 30, fig. 129 Para., p. 441, no. 146 Buitron 1972, p. 136 F. Giudice, ArchCl 24 (1972), p. 440 Isler & Seiterle 1973, p. 25 (C. Isler-Kerényi) P. Zaphiropoulou, 1973, Etudes Déliennes (BCH Suppl. 1), p. 630 Schelp 1975, pp. 52, 60, 89, no. K 91 J. Vocotopoulou, BCH 99 (1975), p. 761 Beck 1975, p. 59, no. X/56, pl. 80, fig. 391 B. von Freytag Gen. Löringhoff, AM 91 (1976), p. 47 (under no. 6, 1) C. Cardon, GettyMusJ 6/7 (1978-1979), p. 133, note 12 Cambitoglou 1979, pp. 129-131 (M. Robertson) J. H. Oakley, The Rutgers Art Review 1 (1980), pp. 1, 7 L. O. Keene Congdon, 1981, Caryatid Mirrors of Ancient Greece, Mainz am Rhein, P. von Zabern, p. 82 Beazley Addenda 1, p. 154 H. Rühfel, 1984, Kinderleben im Klassischen Athen, Mainz am Rhein, P. von Zabern, pp. 42-43 (fig. 21), 45, 182, note 93 Böhr & Martini 1986, pp. 116 (no. 3), 117 (B. Freyer-Schauenburg) R. D. DePuma, 1986, Etruscan Tomb-Groups: Ancient Pottery and Bronzes in Chicago's Field Museum of History, Mainz am Rhein, P. von Zabern, p. 48, note 61 Burn 1987, pp. 85-86 Veder Greco, p. 34 (P. E. Arias) CVA, Basel, 3, p. 54, under no. BS 44.2699 (V. Slehoferova) M. C. Miller, Hesperia 58 (1989), pp. 325 (note 57), 326 (note 62) F. Brommer, AA 1989, p. 487, no. 5 Beazley Addenda 2, p. 316 Oakley 1990, pp. 1, 6, 12, 14, 37-38, 54-55, 60, 90 (no. 146), pl. 120a-b S. B. Matheson, AJA 95 (1991), p. 749 L. Burn, Greek Vases in the J. Paul Getty Museum 5 (1991), p. 118 .

1 London B 678 , A.Z., 1881, Pl. 5.

2 Berlin 2310 Beazley, Att. V., p. 227, no. 26.

3 Beazley, Corpus, Oxford, i, Pl. XVII, 3 by the Telephos painter.

5 Beazley, Vases in Poland, p. 50. In note 5 on the same page and in Addenda, p. 80, nine vases are added to the seventy-six listed in Att. V., pp. 381-6 and three vases, given to the 'Painter of the Czartoryski stamnos', ibid., p. 387, are restored to the Phiale painter, making a total of eighty-eight works.

6 Beazley, Vases in Poland, p. 52, and Pl. 23.

7 (From Addenda to Part I) No. 62. AJA. 1933 p. 400 and p. 401 fig. 2, on the narthex held by the dancing-mistress: see also Feytmans Les Vases grecs de la Bibliothèque Royale p. 69 (the staff remains a narthex, but Miss Feytmans' criticism is just, I should not have implied that dancing-mistresses hold narthekes 'because they are teachers': they hold them in their own right). ARV. p. 658, Phiale Painter no. 108.


Amphora with Warrior and Dog - History

Greek Art


Above is the Corinthian black-figure amphora with animal friezes dating back to 625-600 B.C. It is approimately 14" high. The amphora was found on the island of Rhodes at the opposite side of the Agaean mainland CorinthIt is organized in the old Geometric style organized in a series of horizontal bands. On the neck has many animals and other composite creatures. It is a black-figure pot. The black stuff is neither a pigment nor a glaze, but engobe, a slip of finely sifted clay that originally is of the same color as the clay of the pot. It becomes black after being fired in three phases.

Pictured on the right is Lady of Auxere, statue of a goddess or kore. Her right hand is placed on her chest as a gesture of prayer. Despite its monumental quality, the statue is a little over two feet tall. It is dated back to 650-625 B.C. She is the masterpiece of a style which is usually referred to as Daedalic. Characteristic of the style is the triangular flat-topped head framed by long strands of hair that form complementary triangles to that of the face.Also characteristic is the small belted waist and a fondness for pattern: note the almost Geometric treatment of the long skirt with its incised concentric squares, once brightly painted.


Pictured above is the Calf-bearer (Moschophoros)dating back to 560 B.C. It is carved from marble and stands at roughly five feet and five inches. It was found in fragments at the Athenian Acropolis. He stands in the left-foot forward manner of the kouroi, but he is bearded so he is no longer a youth. He is Archaic, as evidenced by that infamous Archaic smile. The bodies of the man and the calf are also unified by a bold X that is formed by the calf's legs and the calf-bearer's arms.


Shown above is Kroisos. It is from Anavyos and dates back to 530 B.C. Carved from marble, it stands at approximately six feet and four inches tall. It too is Archaic but is also very rigid and frontal. Originally it was painted in the durable technique of encaustic, in which pigment is mixed with wax and applied to the surface while hot.


A stylistic "sister" to the Kroisos kouros is the Peplos Kore (shown above.) She wears a peplos, a simple long woolen belted garment that gives the female figure a columnar appearance. It has traces of paint on it which means that it was once painted. A change did occur here though her left arm is broken off because it was once extended out in front of her---a radical change from the once frontal stance of earlier Archaic statues.


Pictured above is "Three Revelers" by Euthymides. It too is a red-figure amphora. It is from Vulci and dates back to 510 B.C. Because Euthymides disagreed with old conventions of formality and frontality, he has drawn the three tipsy revelers with overlap. They are foreshortened, that is, shown in a 3/4 view.


This is the Kritios Boy from the Acropolis, Athens. He is 34" tall and dates back to 480 B.C., the Classical period of Greece. He is the embodiment of the Greek idealization of the body. The body was very important to the Greeks. This is a transitional piece. It is the first with evidence of contrapposto, that is, the realistic shift in the hips when someone stands with their leg extended.


Above is Diskobolos (Discus thrower.) It is actually a Roman marble copy. (We know because it has to be supported by that tree stump.) It was sculpted by Myron and dates back to 450 B.C.. It is 5'1". It is significantly different from all the previous sculptures because there is a lot of movement. A man is shown (in the nude, of course) getting ready to throw a discus. His body is very idealized too and he seems almost too perfect.


This is Doryphoros (Spear-bearer) sculpted by Polykleitos. The one shown here is a Roman marble copy. Polykleitos is famous for his so-called "canon of proportion." He used mathematical formulas to create ideal human bodies.


Pictures above is the South porch of the Erechteion. One of the most striking and famous features of the temple is its South porch because as you can see, caryatids replace Ionic columns. The role of the caryatids as architectural supports for the unusual flat roof above is underscored by the vertical flute-like folds of the drapery concealing their stiff weight-bearing legs.


This is the "Aphrodite of Knidos" by Praxiteles. The one shown here is actually a Roman marble copy after the original which dates back to 350-340 B.C. It stands at approximately 6'8" high. Aphrodite is shown engaged in a trivial act of everyday life. The goddess has removed her garments, modestly shielding her pelvis as she gets ready to step into the bath. It caused a sensation in its time because of the fact that Praxiteles had taken the unprecedented step of representing the goddess of love completely in the nude. Female nudity in early Greek art, shown here, is extremely rare.


Shown above is "Hermes and the infant Dionysos" by Praxiteles from Olympia. It was found in the Temple of Hera at Olympia. In this piece Hermes has stopped to rest in a forest. He leans on a tree trunk and his slender body forms a sinuous, shallow S-curve that is the hallmark of many of Praxiteles's statues. The one shown here is a Roman Marble copy though, as evidenced by the support of the tree trunk.


Shown here is "Apoxyomenos" (scraper.) This one is a Roman Marble copy. He is supported by a tree trunk as well and his, as Mr. Papciak would say, "tallywacker", is covered by a leaf. he original was created by Lysippos who created a new canon of proportion in which bodies were more slender than those of Polykleitos.


This is the beautiful and innovative "Nike of Samothrace", dating back to 190 B.C. It comes from the Hellenistic period which is characterized by emotional intensity. The marble statue was set up in the Sanctuary of the Great Gods on the island of Samothrace. Her wings are still beating and her drapery is swept by the wind. It also has that wet look and there is evidence of a body under those clothes. She was at the center of a fountain.


This is the famous "Venus de Milo", an over-life-size marble statue of Aphrodite found on Melos. It was sculpted by Alexandros of Antioch-on-the-Meander. The goddess of love is more modestly draped, but also more overtly sexual. The sculptor meant to tease the spectator. It is far more sexual than Praxiteles's entirely nude image of the goddess (Aphrodite of Knidos.)

Also from the Hellenistic period is this sculpture shown here. It is called "Laocoon and his sons" by Athanadoros, Hagesandros and Polydoros of Rhodes. Characteristic of the Hellenistic style, this piece explodes with emotional intensity as Laocoon and his sons are attacked by sea serpents. The serpents had been sent by the gods who favored the Greeks in the war against Troy tp punish Laocoon who tried to warn his countrymen about the danger of bringing the Greeks' Wooden Horse into the walls of their city.


Amphora with Warrior and Dog - History

Greek Art


Above is the Corinthian black-figure amphora with animal friezes dating back to 625-600 B.C. It is approimately 14" high. The amphora was found on the island of Rhodes at the opposite side of the Agaean mainland CorinthIt is organized in the old Geometric style organized in a series of horizontal bands. On the neck has many animals and other composite creatures. It is a black-figure pot. The black stuff is neither a pigment nor a glaze, but engobe, a slip of finely sifted clay that originally is of the same color as the clay of the pot. It becomes black after being fired in three phases.

Pictured on the right is Lady of Auxere, statue of a goddess or kore. Her right hand is placed on her chest as a gesture of prayer. Despite its monumental quality, the statue is a little over two feet tall. It is dated back to 650-625 B.C. She is the masterpiece of a style which is usually referred to as Daedalic. Characteristic of the style is the triangular flat-topped head framed by long strands of hair that form complementary triangles to that of the face.Also characteristic is the small belted waist and a fondness for pattern: note the almost Geometric treatment of the long skirt with its incised concentric squares, once brightly painted.


Pictured above is the Calf-bearer (Moschophoros)dating back to 560 B.C. It is carved from marble and stands at roughly five feet and five inches. It was found in fragments at the Athenian Acropolis. He stands in the left-foot forward manner of the kouroi, but he is bearded so he is no longer a youth. He is Archaic, as evidenced by that infamous Archaic smile. The bodies of the man and the calf are also unified by a bold X that is formed by the calf's legs and the calf-bearer's arms.


Shown above is Kroisos. It is from Anavyos and dates back to 530 B.C. Carved from marble, it stands at approximately six feet and four inches tall. It too is Archaic but is also very rigid and frontal. Originally it was painted in the durable technique of encaustic, in which pigment is mixed with wax and applied to the surface while hot.


A stylistic "sister" to the Kroisos kouros is the Peplos Kore (shown above.) She wears a peplos, a simple long woolen belted garment that gives the female figure a columnar appearance. It has traces of paint on it which means that it was once painted. A change did occur here though her left arm is broken off because it was once extended out in front of her---a radical change from the once frontal stance of earlier Archaic statues.


Pictured above is "Three Revelers" by Euthymides. It too is a red-figure amphora. It is from Vulci and dates back to 510 B.C. Because Euthymides disagreed with old conventions of formality and frontality, he has drawn the three tipsy revelers with overlap. They are foreshortened, that is, shown in a 3/4 view.


This is the Kritios Boy from the Acropolis, Athens. He is 34" tall and dates back to 480 B.C., the Classical period of Greece. He is the embodiment of the Greek idealization of the body. The body was very important to the Greeks. This is a transitional piece. It is the first with evidence of contrapposto, that is, the realistic shift in the hips when someone stands with their leg extended.


Above is Diskobolos (Discus thrower.) It is actually a Roman marble copy. (We know because it has to be supported by that tree stump.) It was sculpted by Myron and dates back to 450 B.C.. It is 5'1". It is significantly different from all the previous sculptures because there is a lot of movement. A man is shown (in the nude, of course) getting ready to throw a discus. His body is very idealized too and he seems almost too perfect.


This is Doryphoros (Spear-bearer) sculpted by Polykleitos. The one shown here is a Roman marble copy. Polykleitos is famous for his so-called "canon of proportion." He used mathematical formulas to create ideal human bodies.


Pictures above is the South porch of the Erechteion. One of the most striking and famous features of the temple is its South porch because as you can see, caryatids replace Ionic columns. The role of the caryatids as architectural supports for the unusual flat roof above is underscored by the vertical flute-like folds of the drapery concealing their stiff weight-bearing legs.


This is the "Aphrodite of Knidos" by Praxiteles. The one shown here is actually a Roman marble copy after the original which dates back to 350-340 B.C. It stands at approximately 6'8" high. Aphrodite is shown engaged in a trivial act of everyday life. The goddess has removed her garments, modestly shielding her pelvis as she gets ready to step into the bath. It caused a sensation in its time because of the fact that Praxiteles had taken the unprecedented step of representing the goddess of love completely in the nude. Female nudity in early Greek art, shown here, is extremely rare.


Shown above is "Hermes and the infant Dionysos" by Praxiteles from Olympia. It was found in the Temple of Hera at Olympia. In this piece Hermes has stopped to rest in a forest. He leans on a tree trunk and his slender body forms a sinuous, shallow S-curve that is the hallmark of many of Praxiteles's statues. The one shown here is a Roman Marble copy though, as evidenced by the support of the tree trunk.


Shown here is "Apoxyomenos" (scraper.) This one is a Roman Marble copy. He is supported by a tree trunk as well and his, as Mr. Papciak would say, "tallywacker", is covered by a leaf. he original was created by Lysippos who created a new canon of proportion in which bodies were more slender than those of Polykleitos.


This is the beautiful and innovative "Nike of Samothrace", dating back to 190 B.C. It comes from the Hellenistic period which is characterized by emotional intensity. The marble statue was set up in the Sanctuary of the Great Gods on the island of Samothrace. Her wings are still beating and her drapery is swept by the wind. It also has that wet look and there is evidence of a body under those clothes. She was at the center of a fountain.


This is the famous "Venus de Milo", an over-life-size marble statue of Aphrodite found on Melos. It was sculpted by Alexandros of Antioch-on-the-Meander. The goddess of love is more modestly draped, but also more overtly sexual. The sculptor meant to tease the spectator. It is far more sexual than Praxiteles's entirely nude image of the goddess (Aphrodite of Knidos.)

Also from the Hellenistic period is this sculpture shown here. It is called "Laocoon and his sons" by Athanadoros, Hagesandros and Polydoros of Rhodes. Characteristic of the Hellenistic style, this piece explodes with emotional intensity as Laocoon and his sons are attacked by sea serpents. The serpents had been sent by the gods who favored the Greeks in the war against Troy tp punish Laocoon who tried to warn his countrymen about the danger of bringing the Greeks' Wooden Horse into the walls of their city.


Amphora depicting the departure of a warrior

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The Surprising History of American Sniper’s “Wolves, Sheep, and Sheepdogs” Speech

This past weekend, American Sniper sold millions of tickets, and introduced millions of Americans to a novel turn of phrase. In an early scene set at the dinner table, Chris Kyle’s father tells him that there are three kinds of people in the world: “wolves, sheep, and sheepdogs.”

The scene is a canny invention by screenwriter Jason Hall, but he didn’t come up with that analogy. The origins of this sheepdog analogy help explain why the film has resonated with audiences. The sheepdog speech comes from Lieutenant Colonel David Grossman’s book On Combat, published in 2004. (It doesn’t appear in Kyle’s best-selling memoir, although the family and friends running Chris Kyle’s Twitter account did tweet about it in December.) Since then it has spread through military and police circles and the right-wing blogosphere. It’s proved particularly durable with gun rights groups. With the release of American Sniper, it has reached its largest audience yet.

Grossman crafted this analogy in response to 9/11 and the war in Iraq. And it’s not enough to classify the human race into these three simple categories Grossman—and those who parrot his metaphor—are issuing a call to action to defend yourself against your enemies. In a country where innocent, unarmed, mostly black Americans keep getting killed, it’s a pernicious worldview to hold.

In Grossman’s original essay, now available on his website, he credits an “old war veteran” with first telling him about wolves, sheep, and sheepdogs. He writes:

In Grossman’s telling, the wolves will do anything they can to hurt sheep. Grossman variously identifies wolves as school shooters, terrorists, criminals, and anyone looking to hurt the innocent. Internationally, think ISIS, al-Qaida, and Boko Haram. Domestically, think gangsters, criminals, and thugs. Grossman makes it clear that, no matter how much society fears its sheepdog protectors, the sheep need their sheepdogs. That means that a sheepdog cannot “take out its teeth.” In gun rights terms, this means that gun owners should never go anywhere without a concealed firearm: “If you are a warrior who is legally authorized to carry a weapon and you step outside without that weapon, then you become a sheep, pretending that the bad man will not come today.”

And the wolf will come, says Grossman. “If you want to be a sheepdog and walk the warrior’s path,” he writes, “then you must make a conscious and moral decision every day to dedicate, equip and prepare yourself to thrive in that toxic, corrosive moment when the wolf comes knocking at the door.” He emphasizes practicing “when/then” thinking as opposed to “if/when” thinking. He encourages sheepdogs to view their surroundings with fear and paranoia.

Since the sheepdog analogy was published in On Combat, it’s been referenced or copied wholesale on countless military, special operations, and police blogs. It has been featured at least eight times on the Internet’s most popular military blog, BlackFive.net, as well as other popular milblogs like A Soldier’s Perspective, SOFREP, and This Ain’t Hell. And we’ve found dozens of other blogs that reference or link to Grossman.

Off the Internet the analogy has spread to T-shirts by at least four different companies, one of which calls itself “Sheepdog Inc.” (Slogan: “Shirts for heroes who hunt down evil.”) It has inspired pastors of churches, and an organization called “Sheepdog Seminars for Churches” that teaches congregations self-defense. It has also been adopted as the name for many gun rights groups. There is even a sheepdog disaster-relief charity—like the Red Cross, but “small, flexible, and reactive” like a Marine Corps Quick Reaction Force. And the sheepdog analogy is all over social media.

While Grossman does have a Ph.D. in psychology, his analogy has zero basis in science. Good and evil aren’t scientific phenomena. While some humans have inclinations toward aggression and violence, it is not a gene that some people have and others do not. Yet Grossman still teaches more than 300 seminars a year on the sheepdog analogy and “conditioning the mind.” Conditioning it for what? We live in the safest times in human history. True “random acts of violence” are incredibly rare in our society terror events rarer still. But the sheepdog analogy wouldn’t exist if people weren’t afraid

And people are afraid, so they take action. As a result, this simple analogy is undone by an even simpler (and older) one: the wolf in sheep’s clothing. After all, all humans basically look alike. Faced with this problem, how can you tell a wolf from a sheep?

Chris Kyle, when he went to Iraq, spent zero time distinguishing the sheep from the wolves: Every Iraqi was a wolf. Kyle called Muslims “savages,” and described the unofficial rules of engagement of the battlefield simply: “If you see anyone from about sixteen to sixty-five and they’re male, shoot ’em. Kill every male you see.” That doesn’t sound like someone protecting the sheep (innocent Iraqi males) from the wolves (the insurgents).

Domestically, black Americans are the victims of this analogy. White Americans, in general, view threats through the lens of race. Studies show that many Americans believe black men are the most dangerous group in America. Experiments, using first-person shooter video games, have shown that unarmed black men are more likely to be shot than their white counterparts by police officers. In other words, some “sheepdogs” tend to reflexively identify black people as “wolves.” Is it a coincidence that black men are 21 times more likely to be shot by police? Or that America has seen a rash of unarmed (mostly black) Americans killed by armed civilians in recent years?

In reality, some sheepdogs act an awful lot like the wolves. Take Jimmy Lewis Fennell, Jr., a police officer who was convicted of committing sexual assault on duty. If he’s not a wolf, then who is? And how does a sheepdog handle that threat?

And while the majority of veterans (sheepdogs through and through) return home to lead normal lives, some do not. (Statistically, veterans with PTSD do have higher rates of violent crime, though the vast majority of veterans do not commit crimes.) Have these sheepdogs turned into wolves, or were they always wolves?

We don’t want to paint police officers and veterans as “whackos” or evil. (One of the co-writers of this post is a veteran.) We want to point out how foolish, and potentially tragic, the distinctions between good “sheepdogs” and evil “wolves” really are.

After leaving his service as a Navy SEAL and publishing his memoir, Chris Kyle started mentoring other veterans with PTSD. As the movie mentions in its conclusion, Chris Kyle was killed by another veteran, a Marine. Are Marines not sheepdogs? Or did Kyle’s killer turn into a wolf? Most importantly, as the analogy goes, why couldn’t Kyle tell the difference?

Because the analogy is simplistic, and in its simplicity, dangerous. It divides the world into black and white, into a good-versus-evil struggle that the real world doesn’t match. We aren’t divided into sheep, sheepdogs, and wolves. We are all humans.


Greece artifacts through the years

The Greeks have had many fascinating artifacts over the last couple centuries. This exhibit shows a select few that i find the most fascinating. These artifacts show the creative side of the Greeks.

Some even tell stories which is like recording history in a pretty package. This also shows some of the different types of art the Greeks had. This exhibit highlights the early Greek art and life.

Amphora with Herakles and Busiris, Swing Painter (Greek), Circa 540 B.C., From the collection of: Cincinnati Art Museum

In this particular piece there are Hercules and legendary king of Egypt Busiris. Busitis is about to conduct a sacrifice to prevent a plague from occurring. Hercules tired of these sacrifices made them believe he was a peasant and got himself chosen as the sacrifice. When the sacrifice was about to happen he leaped up and killed the king. Hercules then attacks two people who are wearing white. In this picture you see the king fallen and Hercules attacking the other two men with some by standers watching it all happen. With very little effort a very detailed story was told in this artifact.

Female figure, 300 BC - 200 BC, From the collection of: Museo Arqueológico Nacional

Jewelry at this time was what showed a women’s social class or status. Not every women could afford beautiful jewelry which is a symbol of high status. Accessories were expected to be tasteful and not boastful. The woman in this piece is clearly a high class woman. The details are quite clear she was a woman of high status. It is a very detailed piece that gives a good sense of who she was.

Thracomacedonian, stater, Unknown, -0500/-0400, From the collection of: Numismatic Museum

This silver coin shows a Nymph being kidnapped by a Centaur. If you look really close you can see the picture clearly though at a quick glance it is hard to see tell what the picture is. The back side of this coin shows a windmill. This little coin is chalked full of great detail.

Amphora for oil or wine, Manner of the Antimenes Painter, ca. 530 B.C., From the collection of: The Newark Museum of Art

This is a very detailed piece especially for the time period it was made. There seem to be warriors one on a horse the other two on foot. There also is a dog in the picture. This could be a scene from a battle.

Asklepios, Unknown, 150 BC - 50 BC (Hellenistic Period), From the collection of: Cincinnati Art Museum

This statuette is of Asclepius the Greek God of healing and medicine, the following for this God was mainly in Hellenistic times. It is well constructed piece and the details are great. This artifact shows a great deal of sophistication by the craftsmen who made it. It is a beautiful piece.

Bronze pilos helmet, Unknown, 600-500 - 5th century BC, From the collection of: Musée d’Art Classique de Mougins

This helmet as most likely for warriors to wear into battle. The helmet is equipped with horns and a leaf in between the horns. It could also be just a sculpture of a helmet worn in to battle. It is a very intriguing artifact.

Hellenistic snake bracelet, Unknown, 3rd century BCE - 2nd century BCE, From the collection of: Pforzheim Jewellery Museum

This piece of jewelry comes with a story. Heracles took care of two snakes sent to him by his step mother, Hera wife of Zeus, when he was still in the crib. His step mother sent them to him because she was jealous of his mother Alcmene. These snakes tied in a knot represent the story. The bracelet is made out of gold. It is a very gorgeous piece of jewelry.

White-ground lekythos (oil jar) by the Aischines Painter depicting a victorious athlete or warrior presenting his spear as an offering, Aischines Painter, ca. 460 BCE, From the collection of: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem

This is artifact is a White-ground lekythos or an oil jar. On the jar there is a picture of a man who seems to be a warrior holding what is possibly a spear. Or it could be a great athlete who just won an event. This artifact has a little less details then some of the others, but the picture is still clear.

Volute Krater with Battle Scene From The Trojan War, The Niobid Painter (Greek, b.Circa 475 BC, d.Circa 450 BC), ca. 450 B.C., From the collection of: Cincinnati Art Museum

This large krater is used for wine and water. The picture shown on this is from the Trojan War. It shows a goddess holding a spear trying to stop a fight between two men. One man moves forward weapon drawn and another falls back in a defensive position. This is another example of how art also had function back in ancient Greece times.


Watch the video: Anything You Can Do -COMPLETED MAP - Brambleclaw and Squirrelflight (June 2022).


Comments:

  1. Amald

    I know a site with answers to a topic that interests you.

  2. Tekle

    In vain work.

  3. Ewert

    After a long wandering through the flooded forums,

  4. Walcot

    It is not intended

  5. Kazragor

    Excuse, that I interrupt you, but you could not give more information.

  6. Tsekani

    Thanks for the news! I was just thinking about it! By the way, Happy New Year to all of you

  7. Dunton

    I can't take part in the discussion right now - I'm very busy. But I will return - I will definitely write what I think on this issue.



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